Debates in the House of Representatives on the Eighteenth Amendment, 1917 (2d session)

December 17, 1917

NATIONAL PROHIBmON~38 min read
167: House, December 17, 1917, ¶ 167 (House1917b.Dec17.167)

Mr. WEBB. They have been addressed to you and to indi­ \'iduals but no t to the committee. \Ve have only had bYo men, as far as I know-- l\Ir. MOORE of Pennsylvania. Will the gentleman yieltl?

169: House, December 17, 1917, ¶ 169 (House1917b.Dec17.169)

1\lr. l\IOORE of Pennsyl-...ania. Will tbe gentleman state the population of the State to which he has referred?

170: House, December 17, 1917, ¶ 170 (House1917b.Dec17.170)

~1r. WEBB. No; but the population of Ohio has more g reatlabor unions in it and more organizations of labor than many other States , and the labor unions went for prohibition in the last election. The location of a labor union or the population of a State has . · little to do with their attitude on the liquor que tion.

171: House, December 17, 1917, ¶ 171 (House1917b.Dec17.171)

l\Jr. 1\IOORE of Pennsylvania. And there i as large a population in the State of Ohio probably as in all the r e. t of the States the gentleman lllentions.

172: House, December 17, 1917, ¶ 172 (House1917b.Dec17.172)

:\lr. RA..."\\TON. Will the gentleman yield?

174: House, December 17, 1917, ¶ 174 (House1917b.Dec17.174)

l\lr. R .. UITO'N. In the recent vote for state-wide prohibition in Michigan the urban population, ·which would naturally inlnde a great many labor votes, , • counting only the cities of -.ooo population or more, voted dry, giving a dry majority of 12,000 and ov'er.

175: House, December 17, 1917, ¶ 175 (House1917b.Dec17.175)

Mr. WEBB. That i . good testimony. That al ·o happened in A . Akron and Youngstown, Ohio, the great labor hive . - of the • State of Ohio. When you remember t hat tl1e laboring men dicl . that I re ·ent the idea of putting labor in the attitude of being against prohibition. ·

176: House, December 17, 1917, ¶ 176 (House1917b.Dec17.176)

· Mr. GORDON. The gentleman is mistaken. Ohio L1id not go l\Ir. WEBB. The cities · w-ent dry. I did not say the State. The gentleman need not worry; one more chance and Ohio " ' ill go dry, not by eleven hundred but by fifty thousand.

177: House, December 17, 1917, ¶ 177 (House1917b.Dec17.177)

1\Ir. FESS. The State of Ohio did go dt·~·-that i ~, 77 counties · w-ent dry and 11 went wet.

178: House, December 17, 1917, ¶ 178 (House1917b.Dec17.178)

:!\ · Ir. WEBB. It will go dry next time. · Mr. Speaker, go>ernment is but the organized for c e s of the nation formed for strengthening its power anu adYnncing its life. It bighe . · t aim i to uppr€' . s those agencie which hflYe a tendenc,y to . np anu 'veaken the nation's strengtl1, to · uppre~s Yice and crime in order that t11e nation may, nnreHtrainell by these evils, go forward in its eft'orts for greater liberty, freedom, and achievement; thut it mny raise itself into a higher ciYilization m re nearly approacl1ing our ideal of a 11erfect goYernment. '

179: House, December 17, 1917, ¶ 179 (House1917b.Dec17.179)

The use of intoxicating liquor for beverage purpoRe has long attrncted th~ attention of our leading state. meu, and with great unanimity h:u · heen condemnell a one of the greate~t agencie for vil autl ·rime that i now retarding our national growth. The right to make anti use intox-icating beYerages has so long been enjo~ - et1 nntl this right so long licenseu and . anctioned hy Fe1lerni taxing law , that the ignomnt haYe come to the conclusion that it i. ~ one of the inalienable rj~ht. of man \\hi<:ll t he GoYernmf-nt . h o nltl not interfere \\ith. Tho . : e with hron t ler mental horizons ' .i m;ist I hnt the Jong- c ontinnetl toleJ·ntion of ll1is evil l!a.· g-iYen those who <:laim it n v~ted ri . ~ht - to cmTy Qn their lmf':ine~ . . or enjoy thE>ir hf'Yerng('; n kind of iJIII!Hlllity f1·om :w~- interf l' f- ll('e hy the Gon • rt1lll t' JJt to aid hniH:tnily. The one u as fallaciou · us th otl1 e r . Either woultl <le1n·iv tlw Governlllent of one of its chief reasons to exi ~ t.

180: House, December 17, 1917, ¶ 180 (House1917b.Dec17.180)

The resolution now under con . consideration '"onltl suhlllit to the State of the Union the one question, wlu : whether the Federal GoYernment shall prohibit 'the manufacture, ~ nlc , or tran portation of intoxicating liquors within, the importation thereof. into, or the exportation thereof from the United • 'tate s and all tetTitory · subject to the jurisdiction thereof for beverage purpo e ." The submission and ratification of the propo ed amendment uy the required number of States would be no invasion of States' rights . It would be but the orderly and legal granting of this power to the Federal Government by the legislature of the several States iu the way the · sovereign people of the States have provided for amending their constitution.

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181: House, December 17, 1917, ¶ 181 (House1917b.Dec17.181)

The people of the United States, s, " · hen they 01 : dained and e - tablishecl the Constitution for the United States of America, stating in the preamble that it wu 'to promote the general welfare" and other objects, realize(] that in order to accompli s h their aims it would probably become nece · sai-y to add to the powers granted, from time to time, a the nation grew in wealth and population, and a ~ the Government from necessity became more complex. That unforeseen condition and problem would arise and require . * olution.

1 connection
182: House, December 17, 1917, ¶ 182 (House1917b.Dec17.182)

In order to meet such conditions and problem the fram r of the Con . Constitution wisely provided in A _ Article V :

1 connection
183: House, December 17, 1917, ¶ 183 (House1917b.Dec17.183)

That Congress, when e ver two-thirds of both IIous e s hall de e m it nece sary, shall propose amendm e nts to this Constitution , * • • which • • * shall be valid to all intent and purpos e s as p:ll't of this Constitution, when ratifi e d by the legislatures of thr e e-fourths of the several States.

1 connection
184: House, December 17, 1917, ¶ 184 (House1917b.Dec17.184)

The adoption of the amendment here proposed would not be a mm·e to tear down or weaken till ancient landmark, but would be in keeping with the plan of it frruner to ndtl to i t a power for " the general welfare " of the people.

185: House, December 17, 1917, ¶ 185 (House1917b.Dec17.185)

If we should hold it too sacred to be changed, we mnke of it a dead monument to it fathers. . Like the " Old Iron ides" that now fioat.' in Boston Harbor, it would . till be revered for the splendid sen·ic e it hn performed, but it would not be e qoipp l to meet the modern problem .

186: House, December 17, 1917, ¶ 186 (House1917b.Dec17.186)

If we give it a liberal con s tn1ction which will ationl a reasonnhle opportunity to amend it as provided for in the fifth arti- , cle, then like the tree of the fore t which add n w cells to their structure each recurring · - a . on to perp e tuat th ir life and strength, you will make of the Constitution a vital }lower . adapted to this and succeetling generation·.

187: House, December 17, 1917, ¶ 187 (House1917b.Dec17.187)

Senator Blair, in a favorable report mad e to the Senate on a similar re olution in 18 8, is authority for the . _ tat e ment that:

188: House, December 17, 1917, ¶ 188 (House1917b.Dec17.188)

It i<; well known that but for the l l belief in the conv e uUon s of the States that the opportunity to amend the Constitution would be mo s t liberally afforded by Congress · in a cc ordance with the form s provl<l e u in that instr·ument, the original ratification never would hav e been obtained .

189: House, December 17, 1917, ¶ 189 (House1917b.Dec17.189)

The question of the expetlien c y of pa.- · passing this re . resolution i.­ primarily addre eel to the Members of ongre s. It is only after it has _ been favorably acted upon by Congress . that it i. pa ell out to the States for their ratification.

190: House, December 17, 1917, ¶ 190 (House1917b.Dec17.190)

In pa ~ in"' upon this que tion I think Congress ~ s houhl view it from two angles: : ti'ir t, whether there is such a public entiment back of it a to justify Congress in submitting it to the State ; and, ecoml, whether we, in our wi ctom approYe thi s grant of power.

191: House, December 17, 1917, ¶ 191 (House1917b.Dec17.191)

I do not believe it i the duty of Congress to submit ever) proposition that might be offered to the State for their ratification. Aside f1 · from the merits which the propo ition lllight po ·e , such a course w-ould result in a continuous agitation in the States which could not be justified hy ongre . .

192: House, December 17, 1917, ¶ 192 (House1917b.Dec17.192)

On the other hand, any great qne tion vitally affecting the life of the people that the wis.clolll of Congress lllight flllproYe which has found sufficient public favor to lead Congress to belie-...e lllight be adopted by the requi ite number of States ~ should be submitted in order that the ~ sovereign people might pass upon it.

193: House, December 17, 1917, ¶ 193 (House1917b.Dec17.193)

Senator Blair, in 188G, in favorably reporting to the Senate n re. olution to amend the Constitution anll provide for national prohibition, similar to the one under consderation, sny :

194: House, December 17, 1917, ¶ 194 (House1917b.Dec17.194)

W'hen any considerable and respectable portion . of the .\mer! can people desire to plead their cause in the great tribunal of sovereign • who, in a free country, decide every fundamental issue in the last t·e. ort. it ! the duty ot Congress to enact such pr·eliminary legislation as is here proposed, so that under the form ot the Constitution they can b' heard on the question of it own amendment. 'l'o deny this is of the vcr.v essence of de. potism. ancl for Congress UDl'e.asonal)ly to refHRe tlJ> hearing is just cause of r · revolution. l'bc people will demand a bearing for e~cr)· large anfl l'P~pt>ctalJic . minority, - and to grant tbi · opportunity is the Plli'JJO."e of this !'. J't>sohqion. 'Yhatt>vf'l' may l.Je fhc result, all must a h i<h• 1(\ . it. But lhcrc l:RU he no ju. · titit • ftti o n of a ucui ;l l or the l'l;rhl to be 1: • :11' <1.

195: House, December 17, 1917, ¶ 195 (House1917b.Dec17.195)

In 1890 Senator Blair, in making a favorable repor;t to the Senate upon a similar resolution, sums up the duty of Congre s as he sees it in the following extract from his report:

196: House, December 17, 1917, ¶ 196 (House1917b.Dec17.196)

It being a fact that a very large proportion of the American people are anxious that the National Constitution be amended in accordance with the resolution, - we believe that they have a right to be heard in the forum of the State legislatures, where alone the question can be decided whether the National Constitution shall be amended. That Cons.ti_tution points out definitely the manner in which a change in its proviSions may be effected. The Constitution of the country must be amended from time to time to correspond with the evolution of the Nation itself, for it is impossible to fetter the growth of the Nation in ?ny directiOn. It will grow, peacefully or otherwise. The Constltutwn must yield here and there, corresponding to the necessities of th e times and of the people, and the necessary changes be peace made, in accordance with the methods of amendment pointed out in the Constitution itself, or revolution and bloodshed will perform tllell' worlc. The Constitution and the spirit of the age must be one. WlJenevcr any considerable and respectable -portion of the American people (and no considerable number can fail to be respectable) desire change in the fundamental law and ask respectful consideration of their propositions by the Nation at large, we bold it to be the duty of Congress to give them a status in the court provided by the Constitution :t'or its own amendment.

197: House, December 17, 1917, ¶ 197 (House1917b.Dec17.197)

I do not think this Congress can fail to find, beyond question, that this proposition is backed by a public sentiment of such strength and character as to not only justify, but require us to submit it to the States for ratification.

198: House, December 17, 1917, ¶ 198 (House1917b.Dec17.198)

This movement is not of a temporary, spasmodic character which may pass away with the summer, but has received th~ careful thought and approval of the moral and commercial forces of the Nation.

199: House, December 17, 1917, ¶ 199 (House1917b.Dec17.199)

This and preceding Congresses have been overwhelmed by letter and petitions asking and pleading with Congre s to submit this question to th€ States. The e requests come from our highest type of law-abiding Christian men and women who have their country's welfare closest to their hearts.

200: House, December 17, 1917, ¶ 200 (House1917b.Dec17.200)

As further proof of the strength of this sentiment, it is not improper for me to call attention to the fact that during this Congress the Senate, on the Ist day of August, by a vote of 65 to 20. passed this resolution.

201: House, December 17, 1917, ¶ 201 (House1917b.Dec17.201)

I~. 1907 only Kansas, North Dakota, and Maine had prohibition laws. Up to September 1, 1914, six additional States had been added. To-day we have legislative prohibition in 27 States . of the Union, comprising a population of 61,000,000. Of the 2.543 counties in the . United States, 2,238 are dry and· only 355 .counties in the entire Nation are wet. Over half of the wor-ld to-day is dry territory.

202: House, December 17, 1917, ¶ 202 (House1917b.Dec17.202)

In my opinion the time has come when Congress can not fail to recognize the overwhelming demands that are being made from every section of this Nation and frOJ all classes of he· people to submit this propo ition to the States for their ratification. The aim of the prohibition advocates is that the l-eaven that has been . at work and brought good to the local di~twcts, townships, counties, and finally States, may be permitted to leaven the whole Nation. With such an overwhelming sentiment, making new conquests at each new encounter is it not reasonable to suppose that this sentiment would b~ reflected in the action which the several legislatures would take, and that this amendment would be ' ratified 1::1Y them!

203: House, December 17, 1917, ¶ 203 (House1917b.Dec17.203)

I appeal to the Members of this House to follow the lead of the Senate and give this proposed amendment your hearty approval as a wise and beneficial policy for this Government to pursue.

204: House, December 17, 1917, ¶ 204 (House1917b.Dec17.204)

The use of alcoholic liquors for beverage purposes has long been regarded a.s n great national evil, which physically, mentally, and morally unfits man · for his greatest usefulness.

205: House, December 17, 1917, ¶ 205 (House1917b.Dec17.205)

The fact has been established by carefully compiled statistics that intemperate use of · alcoholic beverages by parent.<:: weakens the vitality of 'their offspring increases their death rate, increases the number of feeble-minded and defective children, and renders them more susceptible and less able to resist disease. · · Alcoholic beverages impair the skill, lessen the power of endurance, increase accident ' arid s;horten the life of those addicted to its use. Alcoholism claims more victims than does either typhoid fever or smallpox. Drink is one cause of over 66,000 deaths every· year in the United States. One insane person out of every fou · r owes his affliction to its use and it is given credit .for breaking up over 9,000 hnppy homes ~ach year. · The religiOUS world bas found it undei·mines the mot'als of the Nation . . The business world has found that it weakens the intellect and ·has set the stamp of disapproval upon the use of su~ beverage by men · it employs. The courts of the country find 1t the cause of crime, and justify this conclusion by the records of their . criminal courts; -

206: House, December 17, 1917, ¶ 206 (House1917b.Dec17.206)

Such being - its estnblished - reputation, it · is not surprising to fintl the moral and religious forces of the Nation up in arms against it and trying to crush it by whatever means they have.

207: House, December 17, 1917, ¶ 207 (House1917b.Dec17.207)

Is ~t not time for us to become aroused to the necessity of using the strong arm of the National Government to help suppress this great source of national weakness? This Gove~·~ent can be no stronger that the combined strength and VItality of the people. The Government can not serve its people better than by helping to preserve its people's streng-th and life. It would be hard to understand why a National Government that has, with a lavish hand, reached out into the domain of the State and for the sake of protecting property smote down upon the cattle tick and the boll weevil and stopped the ravages of the foot-and-mouth disease, or that strained its power to regulate the commerce from the great manufacturing industries of the Nation in order to curb a practice that might weaken the vitality of the people, would then hesitate to lend its helping hand to meet and blot out the greatest agency for the de truction of property, life, and morals known to man.

208: House, December 17, 1917, ¶ 208 (House1917b.Dec17.208)

The problem of suppressing the use of alcohol as a beverao-e is bigger than a county or a State. It is a national proble~. Local regulations have been of great help in curbing the evil but they are not adequate. It has been demonstrated by an honest effort to regulate the traffic that one wet county in a State will inflict this evil upon the rest of the State. The same is true of a wet· State in relation to the other States of the Union. You .can not, by regulations, localize the bad effects that flow from this national evil.

209: House, December 17, 1917, ¶ 209 (House1917b.Dec17.209)

Aside from the great difficulty in preventing the transportation of alcoholic beverages from a place where they can be legally made and sold into the dry territory, there would be no local boundary line to stop the degenerates, inebriates weakminded, criminal, and di eased persons whom it had produced, and keep them within the political division of the country that had permitted the manufacture and sale of the poison that had caused their sad condition. .These would travel faster and with less restraint than the cattle tick, the boll weevil or the cattle disea ·e, and w·ould become a menace to the health :md morals of, and perhaps a public charge upon, some community that maybe had pleaded for an opportunity to help blot out these sore spots in our body politic. ·

210: House, December 17, 1917, ¶ 210 (House1917b.Dec17.210)

Those engaged in fighting this great national evil think that this Government should cease to be a partner of the liquor manufacturer and seller by licensing such business in return for the tax which such a policy is made to pay. lt is estimated that for every dollar -collected by the Government in the shape of a tax $20 i'S paid into the pockets of the men carrying on this business by the poor, diseased slaves of drink. The Government can not afford to pursue this policy for the sake of the revenue it derives, when by doing so it puts it within the power of the liquor interests to collect for their own pockets many times this tax, and often from those who deprive their families of comforts and necessities to pay it. There is no way to accurately estimate the cost to the Government of accidents crimes, and diseases caused by th€ traffic, but it must be ap: palling, and if it could be accurately stated in figures, I feel safe in predicting that no man, in opposition to this resolution, would ever have the temerity to speak or vote against its adoption on account of tile incidental loss of taxes that might result from its ratification by the States.

211: House, December 17, 1917, ¶ 211 (House1917b.Dec17.211)

Other solutions have been attempted to solve this liquor prob· lem, but with only partial success. Opponents of the prohibition cause tell us our fight is all wrong; that it is a moral issue and we should appeal to the individual to restrain himself.

212: House, December 17, 1917, ¶ 212 (House1917b.Dec17.212)

This disease of - alcoholism is of stealthy character. It stimulates its victim into hilarity while it creeps upon him and binds him as its slave before he feels its grasp, even while the poor victim still boasts of his strength and power to resist it. They are to be pitied, for they need help to free themselves from its bondage. These victims should be able to look to their Government for protection against so dangerous an enemy.

213: House, December 17, 1917, ¶ 213 (House1917b.Dec17.213)

We have already tried moral suasion. Godly men for all these years have preached temperance to the people and have saved many a poor soul from a drunkard's grave, but they still find that their weaker wards stumble on their journey through life and succumb to this frailty of humai:lity when faced by tbe alluring invitation of an open bar room, licensed, protected and taxed, if not encouraged, by this Government of ours: Since we have not been successful in keeping our weaker brother from whisky, let us try keeping whisky from our weaker brother . .

214: House, December 17, 1917, ¶ 214 (House1917b.Dec17.214)

Here is a note I have just received from Miss Gordon:

215: House, December 17, 1917, ¶ 215 (House1917b.Dec17.215)

CONGRESSMAN WEUB : It is an . honor to " present to you and through you to the House of Representatives, the appeal of 500,000 members of the Woman's Christian Temperance Union, praying for the passage of the joint resolution providing for a refPrcnrlum to the States · on national .constitutional prohibition. This appeal comes from a bof't of h9me-loV1ng women who with untiring energy and unstinted devotion have wrought marvelously for the moral anll spiritual advancement of our country. This appeal comes from half a million patriots who answered promptly the call to the colors . The nobility of woman's sacrifice, the fine qoa.li ty of her pa I patriotic service, bf'r keE>n iliscernment in the adjustment of industrial conditions for women and children, her . tender ministrations at home and on the battle field should entitle · her to the granting by the Congress of this appeal.

216: House, December 17, 1917, ¶ 216 (House1917b.Dec17.216)

In addition to the petition of women members of the National Woman's · Christian Temperance Union, I beg to present a huge petition of the in<lorsers of the joint resolution for a. referendum to the States on national constitutional prohibition secured through the efforts of the Woman's Christian Temperance Union an« representing 8,000,000 men and women of our Republic. Adding to these the petitions sent directly to Members of Congress it is safe to say that our appeal is backed by more than · 11,000,000 people. It these petitioners could be ma sed in solid phalanx in our Capital City you would see more than thirty times the population of the District of Columbia. Unquestionably it is an appeal for an act of true democracy, an appeal for a patriotic, economic measure. Autocracy and alcohol must both be overthrown. " “Speed up" is the urgent cry echoing back to us from the awful battle fronts of Europe. Speed up on the prohibition legislation is th respectful appeal of the Woman' Christian Temperance 1 Union to the Congress of the United States. We pray that in this crucial time of . a stupendous · world cris i s the House of Representatives will rise to this exalted opportunity and give to the legislatures of the various States the chance to deal with a question so enormously vital to the economic and moral interests of our Republic. When the war is over ancl a righteous peace has been secured, only the clear brain of a sober Nation can be intrn. ted with the solution of the mighty problems that will then confront the greatest democracy on earth-the United States of America.

219: House, December 17, 1917, ¶ 219 (House1917b.Dec17.219)

Mr. GA . RD. Mr . Speaker, I will conclude within 10 minutes, but if not voluntarily I ask the Chair to call my attention to the time. With that under ·tanding, in · view of the numerous request· for time, I a k not to be interrupted by que. tions until I conclude. · · Mr. Speaker and gentlemen of the House, the minority memher: _ of the Judiciary Committee are in agreement with some of the U1ing that have been done by the committee relative to making Senate joint 1·e. olution 17 a better mea. ure. \Ve are in agreement with that provision which permits the lap e of one :renr after the ratification of this amendment before its fun and complete effect is ordered.

220: House, December 17, 1917, ¶ 220 (House1917b.Dec17.220)

\\Tc are also in agreement that the power of the State shall not l fe tnken away in the enforcement of this law. We are further in agreement that the policy of amendments should be that they not b deferred through an undetermined length of time; in oth r words, that there should be a time limit to the ratification of the amendment.

221: House, December 17, 1917, ¶ 221 (House1917b.Dec17.221)

In that same connection I beg leave to say that I deem it important that the Members of this . Hou e know that the protection for the full under tanding of t11e people of the State be made, nn<.l that not alone there be a time limit for ratification, but that n time should be included in this article of amendment which will permit · the State which has voted upon it to reject, if it desires, a ratification already made.

222: House, December 17, 1917, ¶ 222 (House1917b.Dec17.222)

'l'ho e are the thing which the member . of the committee have flir etly brou...,ht out in connection with Senate joint re olntion 17 a . it came to the committee .

223: House, December 17, 1917, ¶ 223 (House1917b.Dec17.223)

I nm oppo . ·ed to the passage of this article of amendment becau e I think that it removes from the States tl1e police power oolven to the State by the Con titution of the United States of America and never before sought to be taken away from them. J believe that this que . question i N a nonpolitical, a nonpartisan question, that it is essentially a social and moral question, anll therefore that it is properly for the control of the several States and not at all to be engrafted on the Federal Constitution.

224: House, December 17, 1917, ¶ 224 (House1917b.Dec17.224)

It is not and never has been the policy of the law to engraft · upon the Federal Con titution any policies of government. 'l'ho e are left in two ways-the national provisions are for action of Congre ·s; provisions applying to the States are left to the wisdom of the State legislatures. That has always . been recognized anll should be recognized to-day.

226: House, December 17, 1917, ¶ 226 (House1917b.Dec17.226)

Mr. GARD. I regret to say that I have not the time, and I so stated in the beginning of my remark . The powers are vested in the several States to do and declare whether or not liquor having any alcoholic base shall be used as a beverage or in any other way in the States. That power is completely ratified by acts pas ed by this Congress which has prohibited the tr:msmi sion of liquor into dry territory; passed acts in every way affi1·ming the rights of the States to prohibit or regulate alcoholic liquors as a beverage in any and all cases. So this ... American Congress has done everything it possibly could have done to u tain the right of the State in this matter of police regulation .

227: House, December 17, 1917, ¶ 227 (House1917b.Dec17.227)

Not alone that, but tile Supreme Court of the United States, in a deci. ion made December 10 , 1917 ju t one week n""o, in the case of D. Crane, plaintiff, against Cm'npbell, sherift', and others, known fi!'; th<' Iunho en~<>. hn~ hel(l that the le::rislature of 11 , 'h\1 - hns: n ri.!!ht to pa ::~ nn~· lnws for the regulation or prohibiti o n of tll !L'P of H l c o holic h e Yf'r:lgt' .' ; Ulflt it is no infriug~- ment of personal right~ for n • .'tnte to F;ny thnt ther he prohibition even against the personal po ·se . sion or u . e of ~ mch alcoholic beverage. So I must conc-1 u<le w ith the . 'tatement that every right guaranteed to tlte individual States for the regulation of this traffic has · been mt~de by this Congress anfl by the court of last resort, the Supreme Court of the United ~tnte .. : . We contend that the States should have the right to t1ctcrmi.J;1~ whether the States and .the people of the States are best served by prohibition or by regulation. It is a constitntional right, and we ask that it be maintained.

228: House, December 17, 1917, ¶ 228 (House1917b.Dec17.228)

Then I am opposed to this resolution for the rea ·on that at this time it . substitutes continued controver y for a sane settlement. The President of the United States, as Commander in Chief of the Army and Na,-y, upon this floor on December 4 la st aid that be had most clearly in his mind that t11e work , of this Congre s should be work for the winning of this war. It is likewise the work of all our people. I maintain that if this article of amendment be submitted it merely provokes a controYer yin every State in the American Union which will nece - sarily divert into unwise contention the splendid unanimHy of the American people. · · There are many people in favor of prohibition, honestly in favor of it, and there are many people who are honestly against the _ prohibition · of alcoholic beverages in the United States. Each should be entitled to his expr · ess ion. Times haYe changed very materially since the Senate on the 1st of August, 1917, passed this · amendment which is now brought into thb; House. On the lOth of August of this year there · was passetl a law prohibiting during the war the distillation of footl products, and providing further that the President of the United State , having in mind the protection of the food products and an unlimited a-itll good supply thereof, and nl~o the protection of the national . security, should determine whether there should be regulation, whether there . hould be prohibition; and what should be the alcoholic . content; an<l the President only last Tuesday, I believe, declared that at this time no alcoholic beverages . shall be brewed containing more than 2i per cent alcohol nn<.l that not more than _ 70 per cent of the product u ed la t year . shall this year · be used for alcoholic beverage purposes. . So that the matter a it is presented to us to-day, I repeat, i the substitution for what is working out as · true temperance continued con trover. _ y in every one of our States for six or seven years. I submit that the great body of the Am~ricnn people not tllo e who have nn intere t' in the manufacture of liquor, uot those who are profe sionnl prohibitioni ts, but the great body of the American people have but one idea now. They want to li\e in these United States in a spirit of harmony, and l)y harmony and cooperation use every ounce of power toward the great taRk of winning the war. They want to live n life of contentment, they want to live under the guaranties of the Constitution of the United States of America. As a true, as a practical, as a sane temperance measure w·e are now . working this out to · the sati faction of all of our people. I submit it should stand . nd this way, arid with that idea I oppo e the adoption of this article of amendment. [Applause.]

229: House, December 17, 1917, ¶ 229 (House1917b.Dec17.229)

1\ir. VOLSTEAD. 1\fr. Speaker, I yield 10 minutes to tile gentleman from Ohio [1\ir. CooPER].

230: House, December 17, 1917, ¶ 230 (House1917b.Dec17.230)

1\Ii·. COOPER of Ohio. 1\lr. Speaker and Members of Congress, eve1; since I was a small lad until I came to Congress two years ago it has fallen to my lot to associate with the wageearners of om· our . country, and I have a warm feeling of brother!) love in my heart for the great army of working men and women who earn their living by labor in tl1e shops, factories, mines, industrial works, and oil the railroads.

231: House, December 17, 1917, ¶ 231 (House1917b.Dec17.231)

Previous to March 4, 1915, when I took my seat in this House, I was employed for 19 years by the Pennsylvania Railroad Co. in the capacity of locomotive fireman and engineer, and it is with a feeling of great pride that I can say that I am at present a member in good standing of one of the great labor organizations of our country, the Brotherhood of Locomotive Engineers.

232: House, December 17, 1917, ¶ 232 (House1917b.Dec17.232)

I desire to say ll word about the relation of the liquor traffic to organized labor. There is at this time an effort being made by the representatives of the liquor interests to give the impression that the labor unions of the country are opposed to the prohibition of tl1e liquor traffic, and the Member~ of this Congress are being threatened : : mll flooded with numerous memorials, telegrams, and petitions by these men, protesting against the pa sage of this resolution and pretending to speak for the workingmen of this country. I deny nnll challenge the statement that the laboring people and the thousands of members of organized labor are in sympathy with the un-AmP .. rican licensed liquor traffic and that the beer keg and whisky ~ ky bottle are their emblems. U is true tbnt ( i'l"taiu l:tu: : r o~·6~ tniY.ntiou · are opposed to prohibition, but these men represent · ent various crafts that are engaged in the manufacture, sale, and distribution of u lcoholic liquors.

233: House, December 17, 1917, ¶ 233 (House1917b.Dec17.233)

I hold no brief again t these men, and I assure you that I would uo them a good tum if it lay in my power o- to do; but tl1i~ fact remain · , that they are engaged \n the manufacture anu sale of that which is the greatest enemy that the working people lun · e in this land to-day. Therefore, us one who bus the "·elfare of the working people at heart, I feel it is my duty to oppose not these men personally but this institution which they are upholding.

234: House, December 17, 1917, ¶ 234 (House1917b.Dec17.234)

There are many labor organizations that . do not oppose prohibition of the liquor tr·affic, and a goodly . number , of them have gone on record as being opposed to the · saloon. I am glad that my name is recorded upon the · rolls of one of the great organizations of workers which has gone on record in . support of State and National prohibition. In 1915 the delegates · to the triennial convention of the Brotherhood of Locomotive Engineers, representing abut 70,000 members, unanimously adopted a resolution pledging this organization and its best efforts in support of the abolition of the liquor business. In a letter recently made public Mr. Warren S. Stone, grand chief of the Brotherhood of Locomotive Engineer . , has this to say concerning this question:

235: House, December 17, 1917, ¶ 235 (House1917b.Dec17.235)

We fight the liquor cYil perhaps as . hard as any o! the churches. Liquor has no place in our modern railroading. I never expect to be manager of a railroad. but it I were, a man could not work for me who did take a drink of liquor either on or off duty. I would not make a difference betwe e n the two; be c ause a man who will · drink off duty is not fit to go on duty when the time comes. I fail to understand why our men do not come out in the open in certain localities and fight this enemy. It tends to destroy the home life, to lower the tone of the c itizensWp of the community, and the morals of the individual as well, to say nothing of his mental and physical health.

236: House, December 17, 1917, ¶ 236 (House1917b.Dec17.236)

Some time ago I wrote letters to the following leaders of organized labor in Denver and the State of Colorado: W. C. Thornton, president of the Denver Trades and Labor Assembly; Chester J. Common, president of the Denver Building Trades (Council; Clint C. Houston, editor of the Denver Labor Bulletin, which is the official organ for the union labor organizations of Colorado, and requested these men to give me in writing their opinion as to the effect of prohibition on the working people of Denver and Colorado. I received an answer to my letters from all three of these labor leaders, and all of them speak in glowing t e rm for prohibition. Mr. Hou ton, editor of the Bulletin. ' The prohibition law in nine months has worked a wonderful revolution for th e good, and at lea t 7:3 - per c e nt of the union voter s who w e re again t the amendment would support it now.

237: House, December 17, 1917, ¶ 237 (House1917b.Dec17.237)

l\Ir. Common , president of the Denver Building Trade . Council, said:

238: House, December 17, 1917, ¶ 238 (House1917b.Dec17.238)

Aftei· 12 montll s of trial I am ab olut e ly of the opinion that prohibition i s the proper thing and has come to stay in Colorado.

240: House, December 17, 1917, ¶ 240 (House1917b.Dec17.240)

In my humble opinion the workers of Denver and Colorado are a lot better off mentally, morally, financially, and physically than they were when the State was wet, and you can not gather together a goocl-size company which would proclaim openly for the return of the saloon. . The ·e statements come from prominent members and leaders antl organizers of labor unions in cue of the great States and large cities of the Nation, which have experienced the benefit of prohibition. I have received equally strong reports from union leaders in other parts of the country.

241: House, December 17, 1917, ¶ 241 (House1917b.Dec17.241)

Ohio, the State which I have the honor to represent in part, ranks third or fourth among the great industrial States of the Union. About a million · wage earners are employed at present in the manufacturing industries and on the railroads of the State. The result of the State-wide vote on prohibition in Ohio . lust month shows conclusively just where the workingmen stand on this question.

242: House, December 17, 1917, ¶ 242 (House1917b.Dec17.242)

I make the statement that the workers of Ohio voted dry by an overwhelming majority in many communities on the 6th day of last November. Several of t11e large inuu . trial centers, with t11ou ands of workingmen , ~ voting, gave prohibition majoritie , while every large city in the State showed dry gain . Youngstown, the second largest steel manufacturing center in the country, with its thousands upon thousands of skilled . mechanics, gave a dry majority of over 1,000. Summit County, in which is located the city of Akron, the greatest rubber manufacturing center in the world, \Tith many thousands of high-class workingmen employetl in its factories, gave the large t dry majority of any county in the State-4 , 316. Stark County, including the c ities of Canton. ~fas s illon, and Alliance, nll important manufacturin g town s , . howed a prohibition majority of 3,404. Columbus , the capital city, witl1 many factories, is located in Franklin County , which cast a dry majority. Duf'ing the last fight in Ohio th e re wn orgnniz e d a trade-unior:

243: House, December 17, 1917, ¶ 243 (House1917b.Dec17.243)

LYI--28 dry league, its officers being prominent labor leaders, and the good work they did in this campaign helped very much in the splendid dry gain Ohio made this year. · , The wet stronghold of Ohio is Cincinnati and , Hamilton County. Cincinnati, I believe, is the wette t place .on the face of the earth. On the final election returns, through · the ability of prospectors in Cincinnati to find 12,000 wet votes after . the first returns showed the State to have gone dry , a . wet majority of 1,137 was obtained. But if we leave out Cincinnati we find that the workingmen in the large industrial centers of Ohio, thousands of them members of unions, helped to cast a dry majority of 55,844.

244: House, December 17, 1917, ¶ 244 (House1917b.Dec17.244)

I wanted to bring these facts before the Members of Congress because of the attempts at intimidation which are being made in the form of threatening petitions and telegrams by some who claim to speak for the workingmen. I say to you that it is a bald-faced lie when these men say to you that organized labor as a movement is against the passage of this resolution. I wish to call attention to the fact that not only our great railroad · unions but · also the splendid typographical unions and many other crafts in different sections of the country are on record in opposition to the liquor business.

245: House, December 17, 1917, ¶ 245 (House1917b.Dec17.245)

Mr. MEEKER. Mr. Speaker, will the gentleman yield?

246: House, December 17, 1917, ¶ 246 (House1917b.Dec17.246)

1\Ir. COOPER of Ohio. No. Some of the antiprohibition newspapers and the friends of the liquor traffic say if we pass this resolution to-day that · it will cause strife and dissension among the workingmen of our country, that they will relax in their patriotism and not lend their best efforts in the shops, mines, factories, and mills to supply the needs of our brave soldier boys in France fighting your battle and mine.

247: House, December 17, 1917, ¶ 247 (House1917b.Dec17.247)

I say that this is an insult to the patriotism of the American workingman. To me . the very force of that statement is appalling. Is it possible that American workingmen are really . to admit that their patriotism is to be measured by the saloon? If this is so, then I say, God, look down in pity upon us and save our Republic. I pray that we will not commit the great folly that some of the European nations committed at the beginning of the war, and I would call your attention to the words of the eminent statesman, Lloyd-George, who said:

248: House, December 17, 1917, ¶ 248 (House1917b.Dec17.248)

England is fighting three enemies, Germany, Austria, and the liquor traffic, and the liquor traffic is the greatest of the three.

249: House, December 17, 1917, ¶ 249 (House1917b.Dec17.249)

My friends · , these are not the words of the Anti-Saloon League or the Woman's Christian Temperance Union, but they c~mlC from the heart of the greatest statesman in Europe to-day.

250: House, December 17, 1917, ¶ 250 (House1917b.Dec17.250)

During the last session of Congress this House by a vote or 397 to 24 passed a bill making it unlawful to sell liquor to soldiers in uniform in tlie United States. Now, if you believed at that time that liquor was not a good thing for the soldier, that it would have u tendency to lower his efficiency and impair his physical ability, would not the · same principle apply with equal force to the workingman at home, who has to make the ~ · 1.ms arid ammunition and produce the food and clothing for the soldier?

251: House, December 17, 1917, ¶ 251 (House1917b.Dec17.251)

The Congress and the President, his Cabinet, and our Army and Navy officers realize that in order to win . this war om· fighting men must not be ruined by intoxicating liquor. But what is the attitude of the liquor people along this line? Do they indorse the action of Congress and Gen. Pershing and Secretary of the Navy Daniels in checking the use of liquor? No; a thousand times no! They say we can not win this war unless we are a drunken Nation, and if they had their way they would make drunkards out of our soldier boys. That is a strong - statement for me to make, but I want to back it up by reading again a letter. in part, which was sent to me by one of the liquor leaders of this country: :

252: House, December 17, 1917, ¶ 252 (House1917b.Dec17.252)

I believe that the soldier will need wine, beer, and whisky in and out of the trenches in moderation. . . . .

253: House, December 17, 1917, ¶ 253 (House1917b.Dec17.253)

I believe that a good drink to each soldier before a charge will in s ure that steadiness of nerve that wins battles.

254: House, December 17, 1917, ¶ 254 (House1917b.Dec17.254)

The man who rushes a. rapid-fire gun should be given the relief from terror that alcohol imparts.

255: House, December 17, 1917, ¶ 255 (House1917b.Dec17.255)

1\Iy friends, what an insult to the patriotism and · bravery ot the soldiers who are now in France following the flag under the leadership of Gen. Pershing for this man to say that unless our boys are filled with whisky they will be a lot of cowards and afraid to face the enemy upon the battle field. · Such an unAmerican, unpatriotic, insulting, lying statement as this ought to be repudiated by every loyal American citizen who respects the bo · ys who have offered to sacrifice their lives, if need be. for the great and righteous cause which '"e are contending for today. What consolation it must be to the Christian fathers and mothers of this land, whose lads have gone to the front from Christian homes and environment where tl1 e y were never brought into temptation from the liquor traffic. l\lauy of them are from prohibition States and Territories. It is the mothers who are maldng the supreme sacrifice at this llonr. It has torn their lleart ·trings to have their boys taken away from them, but they have been brave, God bless them: . They have given their sons to our country to fight for a great and righteous cause, but the thing that is worrying the American mother to-day is, will her boy come back to her as pure and mor-ally clean as he was when "the strong arm of the Government reached into his home and took him for service? A few days ago I looked at a beautiful picture in · the window of an art store. It was the picture ot · a young American mother standing by _ her only son, who was in the uniform of an American soldier. He was a fine specimen of manhood. The proud mother had her hands upon his shoulders, looking into his face with an expression that none but a motbet· can have, and underneath the picture I read, " May the Lord stand between me and thee while we are absent one from another." That is the prayer that is going up to Almighty God from the hearts of tens of thousands of mothers in our land to-day. Yet this ma.n says When we · get these clean, pure boys away from the influence of mothers fill them full of · whisky and send them back not as he was when the Government took him but with the appetite created within for intoxicating liquor.

256: House, December 17, 1917, ¶ 256 (House1917b.Dec17.256)

Let me say that to my mind the Government of the United State has no · right to take the boy out of the home unless it guarantees to the mothers of this land that it will lend its best effort · to return that boy just as clean. and pure as he was when they took hitn away.

257: House, December 17, 1917, ¶ 257 (House1917b.Dec17.257)

. Nm,·, who was it that wrote this letter? If it came from some saloout. eper, brewer, ot· irresponsible bartender, I would not . have vnid much attention to it. But this letter is signed •' Yours, truly, Thomas M. Gilmore." Who is Thomas l\f. Gilmore? He is president of the National Model Lie se League of America, one of the strongest and largest liquor organizations in our country to-day. And as a rule the president of an organization, when he speaks, expre ses the sentiment of the stockholders. [Applause.]

258: House, December 17, 1917, ¶ 258 (House1917b.Dec17.258)

Mr. GRAHAM of Pennsylvania. 1\Ir. Speaker, I yield eight minutes to the gentleman from Mi souri [:M:r. DYER].

259: House, December 17, 1917, ¶ 259 (House1917b.Dec17.259)

1\Ir. DYER. Mr. Speaker and gentlemen of the House, I do not expect or even to attempt to convince any man of the fallacy of this amendment who is a reformed drunkard or any :man who believes that his own personal views should be the views of the entire people. .In sitting in my seat in the Hou e this morning and looking Into the press gallery of this Hou e I saw there the picture of the President of the United State , and printed . upon that picture m·e these words, "St8Jld by the President." Mr. Speaker, in the last session of this Congress we enacted a law known as the food survey and food control law, and section 15 of that law is, in part, as follows :

260: House, December 17, 1917, ¶ 260 (House1917b.Dec17.260)

Whenever the President shall find that limitation, regulation, or -prohibition of the use of foods, fruits, food materialS, or feeds in the production of malt or vinous liquors for beverage purposes or that reduction of the alcoholic content of any such malt or vinous liquor is e ·entia!, in order to assure an adequate and continuous supply of food, or that the national -security and def-ense will b.e subserved thereby, he is authorized, from time to time, to pre cribe and give public notice of the extent of the limitation, regulation, prohibition, or reduction o peee itated.

261: House, December 17, 1917, ¶ 261 (House1917b.Dec17.261)

· :o he has complete power to stop the manufacture and the . ale of every kind of intoxicating drink now being made. And, Mr. Speaker, you a.Iid I and all of us have appealed to the people of this country. We have appealed to the people whom we rep. re ent to stand loyally by the President of the United States in plause.] this hour, and let me ask you whether or not you belie-ve that you are standing loyally by him when you vote to bring up for consideration 1n the country at this time, with the turmoil and the strife that is about us, this question, which is one of the most serious that the people have ever considered? Let me call the attention of Members to a few words from one of the great Senators of this country, who died but a short . rt time ago, while discussing this very matter in the Senate. I refer to United States Senator Husting, of W-isconsin. Listen to what he said, a great Democrat, one who tried to uphold in every way the hands of the President in this great war. He said: · We are engaged in a war that requires n strong feeling of unity . throughout on the part of all. Vexatious domestic questions ought to be relegated · to the rear and only legislation calculated to promote our success !n arms should be passed now. None else should be considered, ~~:~y s'!~~~~e~~ ~~~;o~~~~~ rseor~~c~fi ~~;:J:~::Pt~asa~ al'ou ed bitterness and dissension among our people as tJie prohibition question.

262: House, December 17, 1917, ¶ 262 (House1917b.Dec17.262)

Gentlemen, it is not to-day a que ·tion whether you believe in prohibition or not. It is a que tion whether or not you want to help the President win this \vur. whether you want to aid him in kn e ping the people united, ke ping tlle labor organiztaions of tlli. · < ·o untry, the men who Ita ve to do the hard \YOrk, in good hun HT over this matter.

263: House, December 17, 1917, ¶ 263 (House1917b.Dec17.263)

It i not a que tion of alcohol ; it is not a question o much as to whether or not it is good for the men who work in the mills to have their beer or not. That is not fh question. It is a que tion whether these men in the great mill and in the great factories of this country and munition plants feel that you are depriving · them of their liberty at this time in endeavoring to take away that privilege. If you do that you are creating di sension. The whi ky of this country has all been doomed by act of Congress. There is now permitted by the Pre ident the manuf ctnre of beer with 2t per cent of alcohol. No one here will claim that a man can get intoxicated upon drinking beer with . that small per c:ent of alcohol. Gentlemen, this is nothing more nor less than a question of whether or not we shall stand by the President of the United States in this hour, when all good citizens ought, or whether we shall stand by Dinwiddie and the Anti-Saloon League, who think more, in my judgment, of this issue of u wet and dry " than they think of the issue of whether Am . America 01; Germany . shall win in this great war. So I appeal, Mr. Speaker, to the patriotism of the people of this country and those who are representing them here to-day to help us to win this war and not bring into discus ion at this time these matters of dis ension that will cause havoc and distre . We are proud, indeed, that we have been able in this Congress to stand together and give earnest and united support to the President, and I say, gentlemen, upon my respon ibility, that were tl1e President permitted under the Constitution of the United State to participate in a matter of this kind-that i , the submission of an amendment of the Constitution to the people-! believe that he would come to you with a message an say to you, "Gentlemen of the Congress, ..... , leave this vexatious domestic que tion alone until we have finished with the Kai er." The President has no authority under the Constitution in matters of this kind. It is for the Congress and legislatures of the States to decide, and therefore naturally he would feel it was not his privilege or his duty to bring this matter to your attention. But, gentlemen, we ought to leave it alone. We ought to leave the e matters now in the hands of the President where they can be best worked out during the war. Let us win the war fir. t. Let us restore peace in this country. Let us bring all om· forces to bear upon the enemy, upon Germany and her allies. Let that be our whole aim now.

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