May 21, 1919

. The SPEAKER. This is Calendar Wednesday, and the Clerk will call the committees in their order.

The Clerk called the committees, and when the Committee on Woman Suffrage was reached, l\fr. MANN. Mr. Speaker, by direction of the Committee on Woman Suffrage, I call up House joint resolution No. 1, proposing an amendment to the Constitution extending the right of suffrage to women, and ask that the resolution be reported.

The SPEAKER. The Clerk will report the resolution.

'l'be Clerk read as follows : .

Joint resolution (H. • J. Res. 1) proposing an amendment to the Constitution extending the right of suffrage to women.

Resolved, etc., That the following article is proposed as an amendment to the Constitution, which shall be valid to all intents and purposes as part of the Constitution when ratified by the legislatures of three-fourths of the several States: -

"ARTICLE-.

" The right of citizens of the United States to vote shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or by any State on account of sex.

"Congress shall have power to enforce this article by appropriate legis! a tion."

lUr. MANN. 1\.!r. Speaker, the rules provide that on Calendar Wednesday general debate shall be confined to two hours. I am not entirely sure whether that rule applies to debate on a House Calendar bill, although I think it has been so construed in the past. It had been my intention to ask the House to proceed with the debate to--day and for a time to-morrow before asking for a final vote on the resolution; but there is a committee appointed to attend the funeral of our late colleague, Mr. VAN DYKE, and the Nebraska delegation has an appointment to meet the Nebraska soldiers returning to New York to-morrow morning. I' desire to have the House complete consideration of the resolution to-day, and I would like, especially in order to accommodate the proponents and opponents of the resolution, to give a longer time for debate than two hours. I ask unanimous consent that the rule, so far as it limits debate, may be abrogated for the consideration of this resolution, and that at 5 o'clock the previous question shall be considered as ordered on the resolution and any pending amendments, and that the time between now and then shall be equally divided, one half to be controlled by the gentleman from Florida [Mr. CLARK] and the other half by myself.

the SPEAKER. The gentleman from Illinois asks unanimous consent that general debate be extended until 5 o'clock; that then the previous question shall be considered as ordered on the resolution and all pending amendments; and that the time be controlled one half by the gentleman from Florida [Mr. CLARK] and the other half by himself. Is there objection?

1\Ir. MOORE of Pennsylvania. Reserving the right to object, I do not expect to debate this question or ask for time, but I would like to ask the gentleman from Illinois, in view of the fact that the bill as reported proposes a constitutional amendment, whether hearings have been had on the bill, since there are two sides to this question?

·. Mr. l\1ANN. Mr. Speaker, hearings have been had on this resolution for more than 50 years. [Applause.] Hearings J1a vc been had on similar resolutions in the House of Representative:-; for a number of Congresses. There has been no hearing had on House joint resolution No. 1 in this Congress, nor is there anything new to be said in a hearing.

1\Ir. MOORE of Pennsylvania. Mr. Speaker, I wish to ask the gentleman this question: In view of the fact that women opposed !o woman suffrage have indicated, yesterday and to-day, that they are surprised by this action-and I give full credit to the gentleman from Illinois for his parliamentary cleverness in bringing it up at this time-whether he thinks it would be fail· to let this matter stand over for a few days until those opposed to the resolution may be heard upon itr

1\Ir. MANN. I do not think it would be fair to the rest of us. of Pennsylvania. I am willing that the gentleman shall have the credit for the passage of the resolution, if it goes through, but I think it fair to have what has been said go into the RECORD. .

1\fr. GARNER. 1\Ir . Speaker, reserving the right to object, I want to ask the gentleman from Illinois a question about the parliamentary status. If unanimous consent is agreed to and the previous question shall be considered ordered, will that give an opportunity of reading the resolution under the five-minute rule?

Mr. MANN. There is no opportunity for reading a House Calendar resolution or bill under the five-minute rule.

Mr. GARNER. Would there be any opportunity to offer an amendment unless the one offering the amendment should get recognition for that purpose?

Mr. MANN. There would not be, unless the Member offering the amendment should get recognition for that purpose.

Mr. GARNER. I wanted Members of the House to understand the situation.

Mr. MANN. That is the rule with reference to a House Calendar proposition. , l\1r. RAKER. 1\ir. Speaker, reserving the right to object, I desire to ask the gentleman a question. The gentleman's pro ­ posal as to time gives one-half to the gentleman fr·om Illinois [Mr. l\IANN] and one-half to the gentleman from Florida [Mr. CLARK], who is opposed to the resolution. The gentleman from Fl or i d a is the one member on the committee who is opposed to th e r e oluti o n. All o f the m e mbers upon the majority side of th e co mmitt ee are in f a vor of it, and all of the rest of the minority members are in favor of it, as disclosed by the vote yesterday. Of cour s e, the Democrats upon this side of the House desire to be :il e ard, so thn t they may speak on the resolution. I take it the gentleman from Illinois will yield me time so that Mr. MANN. time c an be divided among the Members on the Democratic side of th e House who de s ire to speak for the resolution?

l\Ir. 1\lANN. I shall n o t make any agreement with the gentle­ carried out. man upon the floor about it, and I told him so yesterday. The gentleman can take time to delay the consideration of the measure if he de s ir e s, but I am in a position where I can not be held up, becau s e if th e extension of time is not agreed to, there will be but two hour :' of · general debate. I have always dealt fairly with every Mem be r of the House . about debate.

1\Ir. RAKER. Th a t is not the question. Just one moment further. It ought not to appear that Members on this side are opposed to the resolu t ion , for that is not the fact; they favor it; and I know the gentleman from illinois does not want it to appear that a large majority here are not in favor of the resolution; but by fixing the time and giving one Member who happens to oppose it on the Democratic side half of the time for ' debate in opposition, the impression might be conveyed that we are opposed to the rewlution.

Mr. MANN. Mr. Speaker, after all, the RECORD will show who votes for it and who votes against the resolution, and it will not be determined by those who talk as to who is for or against it.

l\Ir. RAKER. I think that is right, but, nevertheless, this side of the Chamber must be heard.

Mr. MANN. There will be a very small amount of talk as compared . with the real vote upon it.

Mr. RUBEY. Mr. Speaker, reserving the right to object, the gentleman from California [Mr. RAKER] has about stated my position. I have voted for this same measure before and expect to vote for it again.

1\Ir. MANN. I hope so.

Mr. RUBEY. I would like to speak for it to-day. I would like to have the gentleman's assurance that we on this side of the Hou s e will be given opportunity to say a few words in behalf of the resolution.

Mr. MANN. I can not promise the gentleman any time. I shall be just as fair with those in favor of the resolution on the Democratic side of the House as with those on the Republican side of the House, but in dividing the time I shall first give preference to members upon the committee, if they desire the time, and then I shall do the best I can, intending to take little or no time myself.

Mr. RUBEY. Mr. Speaker, if I may be permitted, I would ask a qu es tion of the gentleman from Florida [Mr. CLABK], if the gentleman from illinois [Mr. MANN] will yield for that purpose. 1\lr. MANN. Certainly; but I think the gentleman from Florida understands tba t he gets the time in opposition to the resolution.

Mr. RUBEY. What I want to ask is whether he would yield Mr. MANN. to this side of the House any of his time to those who desire to speak in behalf of the resolution?

Mr. MANN. I expect to yield to members on the Democratic side of the House to speak on behalf of the resolution.

Mr. RUBEY. That is satisfactory to me.

Mr. FERRIS. 1\lr. Speaker, reserving the right to object, the gentleman from Illinois has at all times in the past been fair, and he knows the rules better than anyone else. Why did not the gentleman make the request, allowing the ranking Democratic Member on our side to control the time, which is the usual custom?

1\fr. MANN. Ob, no ; the gentleman is mistaken.

Mr. FERRIS. I do not think I am.

Mr. MANN. Where a majority of the committee - on both sides of the proposition are in favor of a resolution or a bill, and there is opposition, the one in opposition is entitled to take the time .Under this rule of the House, on Calendar Wednesday, one nom~ it up. : would be r .. allotted to those in favor of the resolution and one hour to those opposed to the resolution. I have asked to extend 1 the time, so that a longer time than one hour will be given on ; each side.

:Mr. FERRIS. But if the gentleman will indulge me a mor ment further, although the gentleman has been here more years 1 :than I have, yet I have been here for 12 years, and my recollection is that the rule has been to divide the time equally betw·een . the chairman of the committee and the ranking member, with · an agreement that the time be yielded equally on the two respec­ tive . . sides as between those opposed to and those in favor of the - proposition. ·

Mr. MANN. That is a very common practice, and a perfectly proper one where all parties agree to it.

Mr. FERRIS. Mr. Speaker, under the circumstances, the minority members of the Committee on Woman Suffrage not having had a chance to be appointed and to participate in the matter, I object. Well, I will say to the gentleman that the Democratic members of the committee participated. They were at the meeting and made the agreement which I have asked to have

Mr. FERRIS. But the announcement was made-

Mr · . MANN. Very well; there is to be only two hours' debate on the bill then.

The SPEAKER. Does the gentleman from Oklahoma object? 1\Ir. FERRIS. I do object.

The SPEAKER. Objection is made.

1\lr. MANN. 1\Ir. Speaker, a parliamentary inquiry.

The _ SPEAKER. The gentleman will state it.

Mr. MANN. I take it that I am now recognized for an hour, allowed under the rules in favor of the bill?

The SPEAKER. The gentleman is recognized for one hom·.

Mr. MANN. The gentleman from Florida [1\Ir. CLABK], a member of the committee, is opposed to the resolution. I take it the gentleman from Florida will be entitled to recognition at the proper time to control the hour in opposition?

The SPEAKER. Is the gentleman from Florida a member of the committee?

l\1r~ MANN. Yes.

Mr. RAKER. l\Ir. Speaker, before the Chair decides on that. Now, I trust the chairman of the committee will I;lOt make that statement to the Chair. Just one moment.

The SPEAKER. The gentleman from Illinois has the floor. SEVERAL lUEMBERs. Regular order! ·

Mr. MANN. This is a parliamentary inquiry.

Mr. RAKER. Now, the gentleman from illinois has his hour. He states that the gentleman from Florida would get his hour. The gentleman from Florida has not been recognized yet.

l\1r. l\1A.L~N. I submitted a parliamentary inquiry, making a statement, and asking whether the gentleman from Florida would be recognized for an hour.

Mr. RAKER. Of course, I can not say yet as to that.

l\1r. l\IANN. I am not asking the gentleman. [Laughter.] It is out of the gentleman's power to recognize him.

Mr. RAKER. May I state this: Now, in fairness to the gentlemen on the other side and this side, when this resolution was up last year the gentleman from Florida made a minority report. The ranking member on the other side, Miss Rankin, was given half the time-

Mr. MANN. I have nothing to do with · what was up last year. I am proceeding under the rules of the House.

Mr. RAKER. Well, I know--

Mr. l\1ANN. The gentleman is asking about a special rule of the House. I am not asking any special rule of the House. I am proceeding under the ordinary rules of the House.

The SPEAKER. The gentleman is recognized for an hour. I yield 15 minutes to the gentleman from Kansas [Mr. LITTLE], the ranking Republican member of the Committee on Woman Suffrage. [Applause.]

Mr. LITTLE. Mr. Speaker, the gentleman from Pennsylvania [Mr. MooRE] suggests that the ladies who are not in favor of woman suffrage are taken unawares. To register surprise at the appearance of propositions of a certain welcome, friendly, complimentary, and anticipated tenor is one of the most highly; valued privileges of that charming sex, which no gentleman, even in the heat of debate, would ask them to surrender for any; political right, however important The ladies are certainly p() more surprised than I am, because it is scarce 30 minutes since notification from the gentleman from Illinois [Mr: MANN], chairman of the Woman Suffrage Committee and author of the resolution at issue, whose rare parliamentary sagacity and unrivaled parliamentary leadership made this day's work possible, that I was to open this debate. This is a good time to bring Five years ago Julius Cresar, after 19 centuries, challenged Jesus Christ to a final contest. The Kaiser threw down the gantlet and the friends of Christian civilization took it up. The tide of war turned in favor of the Son of Bethlehem and against the Prussian; and, if anything has been decided, it has been decided that now right, not might, shall rule the world. [Applause .. ] Unless our sons and our billions have been sacrificed in vain , the world is about ready to substitute the rule of reason for the rule of force in the government of rea oning creatures. What better expression of that could there be than to say now that the m o tllers Y\ ' who risked their lives to bring into the world the four millions of soldiers we mustered shall have some word to say about the destinies of their sons? [Applause.] The British House of Commons voted, I think, 7 to 1, and recently, I believe, the French Chamber of Deputies voted 7 to 1; for l\-olllan suffrage. The time is opportune for marking an era's close. Civilization has reached a stage, a period, a moment, when we can ring the liberty bell again and announce that this great step forward has been taken.

They tell us that woman should not vote merely because she is a female. No other reason has been advanced except that form which says that she can not bear aq:ns. Every mother who bears a son · to fight for the Republic takes the same chance of death that the son takes when he goes to arms. The fact that she is a woman is a· reason for, not against, the utilization of every force for the advancement of society. Ninety-nine per cent of the murderers in the world are men. Ninety-nine per cent of the burglars are men. Ninety-nine per cent of the gamblers are men. Ninety-nine per cent of the counterfeiters are men. Ninety-nine per cent of all the thieves, outlaws, forgers, pickpockets, bank robbers, train robbers, pirates, and drunkards in the world are men. Ninety-nine per cent of all criminals are Ninety-nine per cent of all diseases inherited by reason of evil lives of parents come down from the male side. For every courtesan there is a seducer and panderer and a thousand customers. When one considers the character of the two sexes, he better appreciates the power of the instinct of race preservation which nature . has planted in the human kind, which certainly is all that has induced women to remain on the same continent with man for 60 centuries. If the world were open and the best character of votes were the dominating factor, women would control the ballot entirely. If good character were the basis for the franchise, most of the voters would probably have been women long ago.

In the last analysis those who oppose woman suffrage simply ignore everything except brute force. They discard brains, scholarship, character, and simply seek to enforce the law of the herd, that the biggest bull is the boss. Under their theories Napoleon B , Bonaparte :was a greater man than Abraham Lincoln; John L. Sullivan a more useful citizen than Thomas Edison. I challenge all such claims as unworthy of the citizens of a Christian and cultured land. Carried to their logical conclusion those theories have dominated and guided and wrecked no less. and ruined the great Empire of Germany perhaps for centuries to come, and at the very moment when they had attained the rounded summit of a successful, brutal, despotic development of brute force. If during the last 40 years the women had held absolute control of Germany, that mighty State would now be rich, happy, contented, and yet there are still those who will tell you woman should not vote because she can not fight.

They told us last year the determination of this issue should be relegated to the States. One of the fundamental privileges under the Constitution is to amend it. If three-fourths of the States wish it, there is no authority under the Constitution that endows any State with the privileg-e of denying it. They suggest~ they wanted a referendum vote. The Constitution prescribes, orders, another method. When the women come here and ask for the ballot, they simply Invoke the methods by which the Constitution has always been amended. Any other system would be illegal. If you say to them that you are not willing to abide · by those rul e s under which every amendment has been made, you simply plead the baby act ; and when the mother of a soldier comes here to demand the privilege of the ballot you should not do that.

Men have argued here for 50 years that woman suffrage would break up the home. But in the Western States, where l\ · e have had woman suffrage in one form and another for years, we know of ho family that has ever been disrupted by quarrel over politics. We know of no fireside that has burned more dimly because s e of any differ en ce of opinion about the use of the ballot. . To permit the mothers of this country to express th e ir views on important i s sues will not injure the homes. As I reflect now I realize that every time I followed my mother's advice I did well. Generally when I did not li s ten to her I lived to regret it. She was a thoughtful and prud e nt woman. The long and short of the whole matter i s that for centuries you have treated woman as a slave, dragged her over the pages of history by the hair, and then you pretend to think she is an angel, too good to interfere in the affairs of men. Give her now a :fi.xed, reasonable status, as becomes a rational human being like yourself. ·

I wish there were a home for every woman. But our civiliza­ Mr. MANN. tion has developed in another direction. During this great war it has been determined that women are to take part in every vocation of human life. There is no place they have not filled with ability. The Increase in population, the complex demands of a complicated civilization, have made i.t absolutely essential that many women shall come away from the fireside and go to work for a living and fight and struggle with men.

In the streets of Strasburg I have myself seen women as is ted by dogs hitched in harness pulling carts and selling milk at the homes along the streets. My friends and I traveling the path through an Egyptian wheat field were suddenly accosted by a woman, who rose with her sickle from among the wheat to cry in Arabic, "In your great country, sir, women do not thus toil . in the field." But now, in my great country, women throng the shops, the offices, the factories, in their strife with men to earn a living. In uncivilized nations they still treat her as a slave and as an angel. Your great civilization gives woman the glorious privilege that · man has to battle for a livelihood if she will do so for smaller wages, but denies her the u e of the ballot in her struggle. What are you afraid of? The Burmese women handle all the busine s of that country. Is this, then, a Burmese peril which menaces you?

The gentleman who leads the opposition to-day said once that she could not have the. rights of a man and the privil ges of a woman. Why can she not? That can not be true. If we are going to be the gentlemen we assume to be, why should she not have the rights of a man and the privileges of a woman? Men retained all the male privileges of drinking whisky, playing poker, ami racing horses when they cast the ballot. Why can not she still retain the privilege of being treated like a lady, a wife, a mother, · even if she votes? God Almighty placed upon her certain duties from which you escape, and you are wonderfully fortunate that you do, and every time you think of it you should blush for shame that you would deny any rights you have because of the responsibility that God has placed upon her.

It has been a source of profound regret to me this morning that I did not have some notice that would enable me to pre ent this subject more thoroughly. The women of the Republic come here and say to you that they want the ballot. Gentlemen, God Almighty has made you strong; they have made your Republic great and made you statesmen of the great Republic. They have given you infinite po, · powers, mighty responsibilities. Now. the mother who bore you, the wife who brought your son into the world, and those who have gone before reach out and ask that you apply to them the rules of common sense, and no more, If you should throw 200 people upon an island, why should any particular member or set of members there for any rea on have the power to say what should be done? Why should not n sensible, God-fearing, intelligent woman have · e just as good a right to have her say about what goes on in any nation as any man that walks the earth?

As I have said to you, she takes the same risk that every soldier did. Which of you is there who has taken the same chance on any battle field that a mother has taken every time a child ·· comes into the world? Who are you that you should say to the mothers of America that they can not vote as you do?

The world must progre s according to the methods of Julius Cresar or the theories of Jesus Christ. During the last five years that ancient contest came to a head and the cross of · Christ must henceforth and forever be made the standard of civilization instead of the crown of Julius Cesar. For the second time in this House I appeal from the rule of force to the rule of reason. The conquering armies camped on the Rhine have fought to establish the fact that civilization is better civilized than barbarism. If common sense is more potent than the sword, if men have determined on the field of battle that that is their sober intention and their law, woman should now be accorded the same opportunity to take part in life that men have always had.

·when I am laid away on th e hillside, Bert B e rry, my orderly _ in the Philippines, will bring the bugle he blew for me at l\1arilao, Guiguinto, and San Fernando and sound tap s abov-e my last earthly resting place, and I f:!·u s t I shall hear no more of wars for all eternity. I hope, as my d e ar \ vi fe holds my hand for the last time as I pass out into the s tarlight, and as my dear mother extends her sainted hand to me a s the trumpets sound the reveille on the other side, both will know that the sons for whom they went down into the valley of the shadow ha v e granted to the mothers of this most august and stat e liest Republic of all time the same power , authority, and opportunity to fashion and preserve the lives of their sons that is posses ed by their fathers. [Applause.] Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

1\Ir. CLARK of Florida. Mr. Speak e r--

The SPEAKER. The gentleman is r e cognized for one hour. :Mr. CLARK of Florida. I yi e ld seven minutes to the gentle- man from North Carolina [l\1r. KITCHIN].

1\lr. KITCHIN. Mr. Speaker and gentlemen of the House, I shall vote against this resolution. I do not rise, however, to make all argument against it, but rather for the purpose of an explanation and expression of some congratulations. It appeared in the RECORD yesterday, though not intentionally, that the Democratic organization of the House had been a little amiss in nominating tlle membership of the Woman Suffrage Committee. I want to say that that is simply apparent. This morning was the first opportunity which the Democrats had to present the name . of the Democratic membership of the Woman Suffrage Committee, tllougll the identical Members that were this morning elected as minority members of that committee were notified and invited by l\Ir. Mann, the chairman of the Woman Suffrage Committee, to meet in his committee room yesterday along with the majority members elected on Monday and participate in the consideration of this resolution. They did meet and consider this resolution, and they did vote, with the exception, I think, of one, for its favorable report.

I want to say that in making up the minority of the committees the Democratic organization of the House hope to report all the nominations by Friday next, and when that is done it will have concluded and nominated its membership of the various committees earlier and with greater dispatch than has ever been done in this House since I have been a Member. The majority now will understand-nod it does understandhow very difficult it is to make up committee assignments, and especially minority committee assignments. We are now working on them and will continue day and night, and we hope, as I said, to have them ready for nomination and election by the House on Friday.

In the Sixty-fifth-the last-Congress the Democrats, as in the case of the Republican Members this time, being in the majority then, did have on the first day of the session a complete list of the Democratic nominations for membership of all the committees, and they were elected on the first day of the session, but under the then existing circumstances the minority could not do so . They had a right to ask, as · we have asked, for several days' time in which to prepare their list of nominations. While in the last Congress the Democrats presented and the House elected to the several committees the majority members on April 2, 1917, the first day of the session, it was not until April 18, 1917, that the minority was ready with its nominations.

In the Sixty-fourth Congress the Democrats were ready on the first day with their nominations-that is, on December 6, 1915-but not until December 14, 1915, was the minority ready. So that the minority in this Congress will be ready to present its nominations several <lays before the minority in the former Congresses was.

I wish now to express congratulations-sincere congratulations-to the Republicans on their quick response to the President's message on yesterday. [Applause and laughter.] The President . yesterday in his message, read from the desk, requested this Congress-and . he knew that the Republicans were in the majority and had control of the organization-to immediately pass the woman-suffrage amendment. "Immediate adoption " was his language, and in less time than 24 hours, the succeeding day, in come the Republicans, patriotically and loyally, presenting this amendment resolution in compliance with the President's request, and it will be carried. [Applause.] I want also to congratulate--

1\lr. l\fANN. Mr." Speaker, will the gentleman yield? .

Mr. KITCHIN. No; I am sorry I have not the time, as I have only seven minutes.

1\fr. MANN. I wanted to add that we reported it before the President's message was received. [Applause and laughter.]

Mr. KITCHIN. I want also, 1\fr. Speaker, to congratulate not only the leaders of the Republican Party on that side, but the entire membership on the Republican side, on the ease and celerity with which within 18 months they have been able to jump on the band wagon. [Laughter.] Let it be known that for 14 years, from 1897 to 1911, the Republican Party had control of every branch of this Government. It had control of the White House, it had control of the House of Representatives, it had control of the Senate. The Susan B. Anthony amendment-this amendment-had been before the American public for half a century. And yet during every one of those 14 years, session after session, its advocates came and appealed to the Republican Party in this House and the Senate to have this amendment considered by Congress, but a deaf ear was turned to them. They were absolutely ignored • and 'were told to go back home and attend to their own business. The Republicans were in control of every branch of this Government for 14 years, I say, and when

LVIII---G the advocates of this amendment found that they could not get the Republicans to submit this amendment to the consideration of the House or Senate they then asked them to create a woman-suffrage committee, so that they could have hearings and present their cause. Again they were refused, again they were sent back home empty handed and without hope.

For 14 years, I repeat, the Republicans of the House turned a deaf ear to the men and women of this country who · desired woman suffrage. For 14 years, with absolute control of every branch of the Government, the Republicans in the House not only refused to allow them to have the suffrage amendment considered in the House--to have a vote on it-but refused even to allow a woman-suffrage committee to be created in the House before which they could submit reasons and arguments for their cause. But it was reserved for a Democratic Rules Committee and for a Democratic House to give the suffragists of this country a Woman Suffrage Committee before which they could go and put their case. [Applause on the Democratic side.] They did go before this Woman Suffrage Committee, composed of a majority of Democrat s, who gladly heard them day after day and week after week and month after month plead their cause. Be it known that it was a Democratic Woman Suffrage Committee that for the first time favorably reported this very resolution to the House and gave the advocates of woman suffrage a chance to have their cause considered and voted on in the House. [Applause on the Democratic side.]

And, gentlemen, I want to congratulate the gentleman from Illinois [1\Jr. MANN], chairman of the Woman Suffrage Committee in this Congress, for pro · promptly reporting out of that committee the same resolution which the Democratic chairman of the Woman Suffrage Committee in the last Congress reported out. His committee has adopted the same amendment resolution that the Democratic Woman Suffrage Committee, headed by the gentleman from California [Mr. RAKER], adopted last Congress, and they ask the Members of this House to pass to-day the same resolution that the Democratic House passed last Congress, and which a Democratic President approved and now insists on "immediate adoption." [Applause and laughter.]

The SPEAKER. The ' time of the gentleman from North Carolina has expired.

1\lr. CLARK of Florida. Mr. Speaker, has the gentleman used all his time?

The SPEAKER. Yes. The gentleman from North Carolina used seven minutes.

Mr. CLARK of Florida. Mr. Speaker, I desire to offer an amendment to the resolution and have it pending, to be voted upon later.

The SPEAKER. The gentleman from Florida offers an amendment, which the Clerk will report.

The Clerk read as follows:

Amend House joint resolution No. 1 by adding thereto as an additional paragraph the following language :

"This amendment shall not be valid unless the same shall be ratified by the legislatures of three-fourths of the several States within seven years after the adoption of this resolution by both Houses of the Congress."

The SPEAKER. The gentleman from Florida [Mr. CLARK] is recognized.

Mr. CLARK of Florida. Mr. Speaker, I yield five minutes to the gentleman from Texas [1\fr. HARDY.]

The SPEAKER. The gentleman from Texas is recognized for five minutes.

Mr. HARDY. 1\fr. Speaker, this is a curious exhibition to me. I have watched the chasing of the band wagon on many occasions during all my life, but I never saw such a band-wagon chasing as there was yesterday and is to-day. I have just left my home in Texas, where an amendment to our State constitution giving our women the vote is pending. It is to be voted on May 24. I have written a letter, and authorized its publication, urging the great State of Texas to adopt for herself this amendment giving to her women the same right to vote as her men now have. I earnestly hope and believe the amendment will be adopted.

But, Mr. Speaker, I believe that the very foundation of the original agreement under which the thirteen sovereign States formed the Union that constitutes this Nation is undermined and the agreement itself violated in spirit and in principle by the attempt to incorporate in the Federal Constitution a provision fixing or affecting the qualification of electors in the several States, and giving to Congress or to the Federal Go\ernment the right to enforce that provision.

The very first reservation in the Constitution of the United States when it was made by our fathers was a reservation reserving to the States the right to deter _ mine the qualifications of el e ctors for · electing Members of Congress. . Article I, section 2, of the Constitution reads:

T h e House o f Representatives shall be composed of Members chosen every second year by the people of the several States • • · • and the e lectors in each State shall :have the qualifications requisite for elec t ors of the most .numerous branch of the State .legislature.

This join t re olution violates that section · b-y providing · that Con g ress · shall · determine who .may vote or who shall not · 'Vote, or w lw may be permitted to vote or -who shall not be . excluded from -voting by the several States, and it goes further and pro vides that Congress shall have the power to enforce this article by appropriate legislation.

Wth e n the S t ate of this · union :find Federal supervisors .and inspe c tors attending all om· elections, and . perhaps Federal .aPpointees hold in()' all · our elections under this provision, :which 'Violate the principle and · destroys the -rock on which our ship of state was anchored, the rock of~ocal self-government, they · may rue the day when they refused to let each State decide for itself this great fundamental question .

' We first violated this principle • when we adopted the fifteenth amendment. Under the fifteenth amendment, not only the negro, for whom it w a adopted, but the sons of every other race under the sun may vote in any State in the Union, provided they .or their ancestors have once been naturalized. Our immigration and rn aturalization laws are in the jurisdiction r and control of the Federal Government . What evils may -yet come of the fifteenth amendment only the future may unfold. Under it the old f.orce bill was introduced, . and 'defeated only after a long and · bitter .fight. When a new force . b-ill shall be introduced under the fif· teenth amendment and ibis proposed amendment, it will not be def e ated.

Encroachm e nt upon established rights are rarely wholesale; usurpations of power are gradual.

'The question of suffrage, once exclusively for the States, llas been taken over by the Federal Government, first as to race and now as to ex · qualification. Next, perhaps, :it will · be taken over as to educational • or -property qualifications.

Texas now has a poll-tax payment requirem e nt for suffrage; oth e r States · h a ve not. Agitation and clamor for an amendment prescribing uniform requirements for suffrage in aU the States may -well be next .

Even now, if and when Congress shall pass laws to enforce the fifteenth and this proposed amendment, the Federal Government will or may control not only all our elections for Federal offices, . but every State, county, and municipal election. . .

Every -thoughtful man is asking himself to-day if this country o f ours no longer recognizes the separate identity and autonomy of the States that compose the Union. That is the question . upon which every lover of the original principles . on which our fathers founded this Government must vote, and ought to vo t e against this resolution .

Aye, we ought to look further . We are contemplating the formation of n 'league · Of the great · nation . of th e earth and our Government L looked to for example and preced e nt. \V e . Ul 1 e setting an example and precedent under which if that league shall be formed its central authority may be tempted to greatly encroach upon the rights of the States or countries that may become the constituent members of the league. If our example had been to respect through all time the reservations made by our States in our Constitution, then a world-wide union of nat i ons for limited purposes might have been invited to .follow us with confidence of perpetual safety against all encroachments ts and usurpations of power. But now the example llas been set one b y one we have . absorbed . the powers that the fath e rs r e­ served to the States. We ha:ve taken them sometimes con sciously, sometimes avowedly, sometimes unconsciously, _ and at times without confessing it, until to-day there is no sacred ri g ht once reserved to the several States that we dare not put the unholy hand of usurpation upon and take it away.

For one, I love my whole country ; for one. _ I believe that the women ought to vote; but for one, I believe that each and every State in the Union should determine the qualifications of its own electprs. [Applause.]

Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr . MANN. l\lr . Speaker, I yield 10 minutes to the gentleman from California [l\Ir . RAKER].

Mr. RAKER. l\1r . Speaker and Members of the House, I am sorry that w e a re unable to hav e the ,time extended, so that more Memb e rs may h a v e an opportunity to express their views to th e membership o f thi s House and to the country at large . They have been in favor of the r e solution, and they feel as though a few ' v words w ou ld give th e m th e opportunity to express . what has been in our mi n d for many years. This is one of the great fundam e n ta l r p . w sti on ~ C'O ll f ronting the American Nation to-day. We have settled l n : any o f t h e other questions ahead of the civ llized world, but we have 'been behind when it comes to treating half o f our population and giving them the same right the o t her half has had with respect to participation in the Government. We : are behind the other nations of the world in that respect . The r e are some things that I would like to adopt from the Old W.orld · and · add to ours , but a great big majority of the things that rour -people ha:ve · and that this country has the Old World has not . ' This country : has stood for the right of the individual to -express his opinion, for the doctrine that he is re ponsible only to himself and to his God, and up to this date, so far as the Federal Government is concerned, we have aiel that one-half only of our population should · express their view s , give their sentiment, and have a voice in our Government. But the time is coming, and it is coming fast, when there will b e a change in this respect , and to-day we will see this resolution pas eel by a good substantial vote over and above the two - thirds majority nece sa r y . 'I expect that within the next week or 10 days the resolution will have pass e d the Senate and will then go to the States for ratifi.cation, as it ought to.

When we come to look back it is somewhat remarkable to see what the States have done. We find that there are 15 States which have full · woman suffrage . There are 29 State where women can -vote f-or President. These 29 States control 306 elec- to~al votes, but still you do not permit those women to vote for Members of this House ; you do not per-mit them to vote for 1\fe~ bers of the U.n1tec18tates Senate, and in :many other instances you fail to allow . them to vote for State · officers. Before the last Con ­ gress adjourned, and . after it had pas eel this resolution by · a two-thirds vote on the lOth <Yf . .January, 1919, it is remarkable to find what the countries of the Old World had done with respect to woman suffrage . Practically every civilized country in the world has extended the right of suffrage to women. Let us take first the little country that was devastated some four years ago : by the rude Hun s . They recognized that had women been able to participate in the affairs of the world before the wa.r began humanity would .have been different, the conditions of the worl-d would ha v e been different, and we would have sav-ed the li v es of .many hundreds of thousands of our best people not . only in this country, but abroad, as well as billions of dollars . While in Europe some months ago we had the pleas- ure of riding with the chief deputy of the Belgian Congress from Pa r is to ..B r ussel , and the next day that congress met and ex ­ tended the right of suffrage to women. Let us go right on tlOW'..l the line . England with all her colonies, New Zealand, Canada, A-ustralia, has extended the right of suffrage to women. This ls also true . of Sweden ancl Denmark . Even the country that the world has been fighting has extended , a limited suffrage to women, and should we . be the last of the civilized countries of the world to extend this right-we who boast that - we stand for humanity, who boast that · we stand for giving men the oppor ~ tunity to express their voice in our Government, that we might have a Government of the · people, not by . heredity, but that the people , ffiight express their will · and desire as to what their Government . should · be? ls it right that we should be the last? I want to congratulate the gentleman from Illinois [:Mr. l\IA.mvJ, as I think I am entitled to, upon his insisting that this resolution be brought up .the · first .thing · when this Congress met iln extraordinary session . The House by a large -vote expressed its desire :in the last Congress that lit should ; pass. The Senate by . one vote failed to give it passage. The President of the United States, not only ye terday but some three months ago , appeared before the Senate urging that body, 'With all its con ~ sertatism and its rules, because of the work women had done, b e cause of the advantage they have been to America in winning the war, because of their loyal ty and un elfishness and their ability to cope with all the vici s i t ud e s of war, b e given the same right to participate in their Government a s the men have . So · with propriety, 'f'lrith ~ustic e , with fairne s this . proposition was placed on the calendar y e sterday and comes up to-day as House joint resolution No. 1. It is now up for consideration by the House and :within the next hour and a half the vote will have ; been taken and America will have taken · her place with the civilized nations of the world in extending this God-given right, this thing that make s America worth while, this thing that men . have died for, even within the last year, to the women of the country · y in order that they may exercise their individual right; that they may participate in the affairs of their country; that they Jnay say that th e laws under which the y are living · shall be such as human beings s lwuld live und e r- t o th e ad v antage · of this country and of the children that are to come, so that we might have a s t ronger, n. more <\iril e , a nd a . be t ter .race. We are going to pa ss this re so lution t o-da y, a na instead of having just enough to make the ne c essar y t wo- t hir ds , I hope that we will have 50 votes to spare. Some o f h t e St at e , since the last Congress adjourned, even in the very h e art o f tl1e sunny South, in th e very center of where some say there is the greatest oppo s ition, have given the women · the right to vote. We find that the great State of Tennessee has extended the right to women to vote for tile President of the United States. What little objection there might have been is being eliminated. Even our good Republican friends who voted against it in the last Congre s will vote for it this time, and, so far as politics are concerned, th e re should be no attempt to take advantage by either the Democratic or th e Republican Party. This Congress has elected as Sp e ak e r a man whom we all admire, who was opposed to woman suffra g e, but the people demand, notwithstanding the individual vote of any particular man, that this recognition be given the 'vom e n of the country. The leader of the Senate was opposed to woman suffrage, but that body will pass it. There may be a few Democrats and a few Republicans who in the past plause.] have voted against this who will again vote against it to-day, but they are going to be so scarce that you will hardly be able to count them. Notwithstanding that fact, the great body of the Repre entatives, Democrats and Republicans, will -vote for this resolution, because neither party has a sufficient number of votes to pass it as a political measure.

The SPEAKER. The time of the gentleman from California has expired.

By unanimous consent 1\lr. RAKER was granted leave to ext e nd his remarks in the RECORD.

1\lr. 1\L NK. 1\Ir. Sp( a.ker, I ask . unanimous consent that all Members have the privilege of extending in the RECORD their remarks upon this re . resolution for five days.

The SPEAKER. Is there objection?

Mr. 'V WALSH. Mr. Speaker, for the present I object.

The SPEAKER. The gentleman from Massachusetts objects. l\fr. 1\.IA. i '-""N. Mr. Speaker, I yield five minutes to the gentleman from Wisconsin [l\lr. NELSON].

l\lr. NELSON of Wisconsin. Mr. Speaker and gentlemen of the House, I am for this resolution and desire to speak in its behalf, because I believe that the time is now here when we ought to express ourselves in favor of one-half of the loyal, patriotic, and conscientious citizenship of our country-the faithful \vornen who have stood by us in the hour of need and in the hour of the greatest crisis of our history. Equal suffrage for . the women of the United States . is certain to come. It is futile to stem the e-ver-growing tide in its favor any longer. Delay will only intensify its demand. Our people are impatient. They demand this simple act of justice to our great American womanhood. The Republican Party will to-day add additional honor to its glorious history of statesmanlike achievements by overwhelmingly passing this amendment to our Constitution. [Applause.] ·

· wyoming was the first Territory in the Union to adopt equal suffrage, in 1869, and the first State to incorporate equal suffrage into its State constitution, 1890, and Congress gave its first official approval of equal suffrage when it admitted Wyoming as u State July 10 ; 1890. State after State has followed in adopting equal suffrage until now complete enfranchisement of women is given in 15 States; right to vote for presidential electors m 11 States; full suffrage at primary election in 2 States; and partial suffrage in 13 States. This means that 41 out of the 48 States of the Union have already granted women the right of the ballot in some form and. to some degree. I am proud this afternoon to say that in my own State of Wisconsin the l e gi lature r e cently granted to women suffrage as far as it relates to presidential electors, and if the United States Senate promptly acts upon this joint resolution and passes it, as we confidently believe it will, my own Legislature of Wisconsin, which is still in se sion, I think will, without question, promptly ratify this amendment, and the State of Wisconsin will thus b e come one of the first States in the Union to ratify the equal suffrage amendment.

I believe that the time is now ripe for this Congress to vote to submit to the several States of the Union for ratification the constitutional amendment making equal suffrage a part of the Constitution of the Unit e d States. The privilege of ratifying the amendment by th1· ee -fourths of the States should no longer be denied. In the int e rest o f justice, ri g ht, an · d . equality, the equal-suffrage amendment should be passed by this Congress and be speedily ratified by th~ several States. Woman has demonstrated in the awful war just ended, as well as in every crisis of the world's history, her undisputed right to equal suffrage. President Wilson has said: " This war could not have been fought had it not been for the services of the w.omen." Gen. Pershing says: · " This war is being fought by women ; it is women "\ovho suffer and l e nd courage to us; women are the ones who will deser-ve honor for th e it· aid in establishing democracy." Gen. Wood says: "The support and efforts of American women made our part in th ~ war possible." Ex-President Roosevelt, the matchless leader of American thoughts and ideals, and one of the three greatest statesmen of our history, was very pro· nounced in his views in favor of woman suffrage.

In home, in religion, in education, in society, and in the very fundamentals of civilization itself, it has been woman who has been the moulder of our highest ideals and purposes and the inspiring genius for the achievement of liberty, justice, and democracy. In all the great spiritual, moral, · and social movements and reforms of the world for the uplift and blessing of the human race, women have taken. a conspicuous part and have been willing to suffer and die that civilization might be advanced and the blessings of liberty vouchsafed. The family, the church, the school, and the . State are dependent upon women for their highest development and largest achievement. Taxation without representation should no longer apply to womankind. Only those who place the rights of property over the rights of humanity can possibly oppose women's suffrage. Disfranchisement of women is merely a relic of barbarism and is founded on the o!:I spirit that might makes right. Real democracy is built on equality and justice and. a government by the consent of the governed. Real democracy, therefore, demands the full enfranchisement of women.

In the work of the Red Cross-the great mother of the worldin the hospitals and trenches on the battle fields of Flanders and France, and in all the tasks that lie at the very heart of civilization, women have displayed a patriotism and heroism born of devotion, sacrifice, and service that has meant and means to-day a larger interpretation of the " Fatherhood of God and the brotherhood of man," in ' which there shall be nv supermen of autocracy to despoil and crucify by acts of tyranny, but supermen of democracy to sacrifice and die for the freedom of mankind and the liberation of the world. The heroic and supreme sacrifices of our women inspire us to-day to permit our women to contribute jointly with our men in the work of our reconstruction period that is before · us, our utmost power of service to the end that not only our own Nation but the whole human family shall be enriched spiritually, physically, socially, and economically. ·

The world is now calling as never before for both men and women of great brains and noble hearts to meet our large and complex problems of national and international reconstruction. Problems that will tax to the very limit our best statesman s hip must be sol-ved patiently and wisely yet heroically and resolutely, ever looking to the interest not only of our own Nation but to the lasting interest of all mankind. With the allied powers we have won a triumphant and glorious victory over militarism, materialism, and autocracy, but if this great victory is to bear fruit for the interest and benefit of future generations we must now unite in a peace program of reconstruction that will challenge our highest resolves and greatest determinations. In this great work we need the constant aid and counsel of our women in order that we may unitedly accomplish the best results. 'Ve need the aid of our American womanhood to build a democracy competent, constructive, and achieving.