June 14, 1864 (3)

Whose vast walls li ive pinnacled in elomls their snowy fecnlp*,

And throned ctrnutyin icy hails

Of cold sublimity."

Under Democratic rule the monster barriers of the lloeky mountains proved 110 impediment to the onward march of American civilization and constitutional government, and the adjoining valley was acquired, whose loveliness and beauty are described as rivaling the magnificence of the garden of Eden, The Democratic party not content with even all these splendid acquisitions took the" empire onward" and crossed the Sierra Nevada mountains, and planted the fldij of the free upon the golden soil of California and gave us a "domain of more than imperial grandeur. its valleys teem with unbounded fertility, and its mountains are filled with inexhaustible treasures of mineral wealth. The navigable rivers run hundreds of miles into the interior, and the coast is indented with the most capacious harbors in the world. The climate is more healthful than any other on the globe, the vegetation is more vigorous, and the products more abundant; the face of the earth is nioro varied, and the sky bends over it with a lovcliir blue. Everything in it is made upon a scale of magnificence which a man living in such a commonplace region as ours can scarcely dream of, c Which his eyes must sre

To know how beautiful this world can be.'"

No political organization of any country or age can show so glorious a record, so free from blunders and crimes, and so rich in valuable achievements. The unexampled progress of the country in wealth and power, and its peaceful, prosperous, and happy condition before this war were theresuit of the wise and patriotic policy of the Democratic party. Can the Democratic party in this "the hour of the country s desolation forget its past history? The shouts of fifteen hundred thousand Democrats answer no. The mission of the Democracy is to save our wrecked and divided country, and, with the help of God, relying upon the justice of our cause, we will unite this distracted "country in bonds so strong thatfuture causes will never bring upon us a separation.

The man who with this record before him charges the Democratic party with disloyalty I look upon as either a madman or a knave. When the gentleman from Iowa [Mr. Grinnell] uttered in debate the startling announcement that he" would rather say a thousand times let the country be divided, the South go their way, all slave, and the North all free, than see the country once more under Democratic rule," I was not surprised. The history of the gentleman from Iowa is consistent with this treasonable language. He declared in a speech he made in Iowa that he would as soon see his daughter marry a negro as a Democrat. It well becomes a man of such refined education and exquisite taste to belch forth his bitterness against the Democratic party of the country.

Looking at the great progress and power of our people, the mind naturally asks the question, what has caused the afflicting and severe troubles that hang over us; what has caused this beautiful land to be drenched in blood, and brother meet brother in deadly conflict? I will not attempt to answer this question myself, but will give the warning voice of some of the great men who lived before us. The prophecy they then made is now being literally fulfilled, and we are reaping the bitter fruits of our disobedience to their advice.

General Washington, in his Farewell Address, thus admonishes the people:

My countrymen, frown mtlicnantiy upon every attempt to alienate am portion of our country from the rest. Heware of sectional organiz a tions of arraying the North against the South or the South against the STorth. In the end it will prove fatal to our liberties."

General Jackson had the reputation of l seeing through a man ata glance." He has left his sage counsels for us to ponder over. In his Farewell Address he says:

What Itavc you to gain by divisions and dt n fon Delude not yourselves with the hope that the breach once made would he afterwards easily repaired. If the Union is once severed, the separation will grow wider and wider, and the controversies which are now debated and settled m the halls of legislation will be tried 111 the field of battle and dctcimmed by the sword. Neither should you deceive yourselves with the hope that the first line of separation would be the permanent one."**** "Local interests would still be found there and unchastened ambition. If the recollection ofcoinmon dangers, in which the people of the United States have stood side by side against the common foe, the prosperity and happiness they have enjoyed under the present Constitution—if nil these recollections and proofs of common Interests are not strong enough to bind us together as one people, what tie will hold united the warring divisions of empire, when those bonds have been btokeuandtlie Union dissolved? The first line of separation would not last long; new fragments would be torn off; new leaders would spring up, and this glorious Republic would soon be broken into a multitude of petty States, aimed for mutual aggressions; loaded with taxes, to pay anmesand leaders; seeking aid against each oilier from foreign Powers; u uiled and trampled upon by the nations of Europe, until, haiassod with conflicts and humbled and deb w d in spirit, they would be willing to submit to a domination of any military ad\ enturer, and surrender their liberty for the sake of repose."

Henry Clay, in a speech in Congress as early as 1839, warned his countrymen against the fanaticism of the abolitionists in the following words: Abolitionism should no longer be regarded as an imaginary danger. The abolitionists, let me suppose, succeeded in their present aim of uniting the inhabitants of tlte free States as one man against the inhabitants of the slave States. Union upon one side will beget union on the other, and this process ofreciproeal consolidation will be attended wit' all tiie violentprejudieos, embittered passions, and implacaii e hiiimosmes which ever deluded or deformed human nature." "One section will stand in menacing and hostile array against tiip other. The collisions oi opinion will be quickly followed by the clash of aims. I will not attempt to describe scenes which now happily lie concealed from our view. Abohliom ts iheml e would shrink back m hoi ror at the contemplation of desolated fields, conilagiated cities, murdered inhabitants, and {he overthrow oi the fairest fabric of human government that ever io e to animate the hopes of civilized man." In addition to these warnings and prophecies might be added like opinions from all the great statesmen of the country. This advice has been disregarded, and a party was built up in the North whose aim was to destroy the institution of slavery, either out of hatred to the people of the South or false ideas of humanity. They appealed to the passions of men, and labored to army the North against the South, and to alienate one section from the other. The friendly relations of the North and South were broken; strife begat strife. The unjustifiable intermeddling with the institutions or the South fed the bad passions of men until that section of our once happy country has taken up arms to destroy the fairest fabric of human government that ever rose to animate the hopes of civilized men.

Sir, I need not quote the treasonable utterances of the opponents of the Democratic party, nor their threats of violence to the South. i need not repeat how they exasperated the people of one section against another*, how they attempted to murder and did murder citizens of the South in a wild attempt to abolish slavery; how many jackleg itinerant preachers have gone to the South like the wolf in sheep s clothing to stir up servile insurrection, to incite the slave to murder his master, and slay the first born Sir, this is the history of the fanatical party that was the inception and cause of the rebellion. While I do not justify the rebellion, while I pronounce those engaged in it guilty of treason, .yea, worse than treason, if there be such a crime, in truth and justice I must equally condemn that party which furnished them the excuse for the rebellion. During all the agitation preceding and attending secession, the southern conspirators considered the abolitionists their best friends. Governor Adams, of South Carolina, said of them:

The abolitionists are our best friends Thank God for what they have already done; and for the inestimable blessings they were about to confer, they were entitled to our warmest gratitude. Their assaults have been unceasing, but all for our good. They have furnished us a justification for dissolving our connection with them."

In three particulars the abolitionists were the best friends of the southern conspirators. First, by furnishing them with the means to excite the southern masses into rebellion. Second, by advocating the policy of" letting them go in peace," and thus aiding them to establish an "empire founded on slavery." Third, by pushing the Government into an extreme policy of Emancipation and confiscation, uniting the South, dividing the North, and in effect doubling the relative strength of the rebellion.

Slavery is denounced aS the cause of the rebellion; I deny this, though it may be the occasion, as money is the occasion of larceny, robbery, or burglary. If bad men did not covet their neighbors' money and lay felonious hands upon it and carry it away, such a crime as larceny would not be known to the law. If the unjustifiable and unlawful intermeddling with slavery had never occurred there would have been no rebellion; the deadly conflict which is now convulsing the country from center to circumference would not have occurred; no fields and beautiful farms devastatedfno loss of thousands of free and happy people; no graveyards extending from the Potomac to the Mississippi; no people in mourning for lost friends who fell in battle. We lived fourscore years in peace and prosperity, and the clash of arms in intestine war was not heard and never would have been had the people been true to themselves and their country, by discountenancing and condemning the fanaticism of the abolitionists.

This nation has been ft nation of compromises. From its foundation and through its growth all its difficulties and its dissensions have ended in mutual concessions. The spiritof our genius and the brilliancy of our destiny have always led us heretofore to compromise. When this nation was in the throes of dissolution, before secession had to any extent captivated the southern heart, we might have prevented this unnatural war. If the Crittenden amendments had been adopted the South would have remained in the Union, and to day all would be peace. Fanaticism had triumphed at the polls, and the Presidentelect, forgetting his country and remaining true only to his sectional platform and party, stood a mute observer of the great events which were passing. His party triumph was dearer to him than the interests of his country. His country was forgotten, and while on his w ay to assume the presidential chair he dealt in the slang phrase "nobody is hurt n Had he been possessed Of the patriotism of a Clay or a Webster he would have done as they did in 1850, forget his party devotion and kneel at the altar of his country and there pour the "oil upon the troubled waters and thus allay the threatening storm. This he could have done. He had power and influence ever his own party, and at his suggestion his friends would have adopted a compromise which would have Prevented ound this secession Union together and riveted in indissoluble the chains bonds. which Was it unbecoming or degrading to the party coming into power to haveadoptedthe Crittenden compromise? Hear the reasonable and just provisions of that preserver of our peace:

"Art*, i. In all the territory of the United States now held, or hereafter acquired, situated north of latitude 36® SO', slavery or involuntary servitude, except as a punishment for crime, is prohibited while such territory shall remain under territorial government. In all the territory now held, or hereafter acquired, south of said line of latitude, slavery of the African race is hereby recognized as existing, and shall not be interfered with by Congress, butshaU be protected as property by all the departments of the territorial government during its continuance j and when any Territory north or south of said line, within such boundaries as Congress may prescribe, shall contain the population requisite for a member of Congress according to the then Federal ratio of representation of the people of the United States, it shall, if its formof government be republican, be admitted into the Union on an equal footing with the original States with or without slavery, as the constitution of such new States may provide.

"Art. II. Congress shall have iio power to abolish slavery in places under its exclusive jurisdiction, or within the limits of States that permit the holding of slaves.

"Art. lit. Congress shall have no power to abolish slavery within the District of Columbia, so long as it exists in the adjoining States of Virginia and Maryland, or either, nor without the consent of the inhabitants, nor without just compensation first made to said owners of slaves as do not consent to such abolishment. Nor shall Congress at any time prohibit officers of the Federal Government or members ot Congress, whose duties require them to be in said District, from bringing with them their slaves, and holding them as such during the time their duties may require them to remain there, and afterwards taking them from the District.

"Art. IV. Congress shall have no power to prohibit or hinder the transportation of slaves from one State to another, or to a Territory in which slaves are by law permitted to be held, whether that transportation be by land, navigable rivers, or by sea.

"Art. V. That in addition t6 the provisions of the third paragraph of the second section of the fourth article of the Constitution of the United States, Congress shall have power to provide by law, and it shall be its duty so to provide, that the United States shall pay to the owner who shall apply for it the full value of his fugitive slave in nil cases where the marshal, or other officers, whose duty it was to arrest said fugitive, was prevented from so doing by violence or intimidation, or when after said arrest said fugitive was rescued by force, and the owner thereby prevented and obstructed in the pursuit of his remedy for the recovery of his fugitive slaves under the said clause of the Constitution and the laws made in pursuance thereof. And in such cases when the United States shall pay for such lugmve they shall have the right in theirown name to sue the county in which such violence, intimidation, or reseucwas committed, and to recover from it, with interest and damages, the amount paid by them for said fugitive slave. And the said county, after it has paid said amount to the United States, may, for its indemnity, sue and recover from the wrong doers or rescuers, by whom the owner was prevent d from the recovery of his fugitive slave, in like manner aa tiif owner himself might have sued and recovered.*

"Art. VI. No future amendment of the Constitution shall afreet the five preceding ai tides, nor the third pat i- graphoi the second section of the first tarticle of the Constitution, nor the third paragraph of the second section of the fourth article of said Constitution, and no amendment shall be made to the Constitution which will authorize or give to Congress any power to abolish or interfere with slavery in any of the States by whose laws it is or may be allowed or permitted."

If these amendments, Mr. Speaker; would have satisfied the South and saved the Union, the people who bear the burden of the war, who pay heavy taxes, and wb ogive their sons to the Army, will ask what party is responsible for their defeat? I will answer by quoting from the votes and proceedings in the Senateof the United States where this compromise originated. On the 3d of March, 1861, the Crittenden amendments were voted upon, and the following is the vote:

Yeas —Messrs. Bayard, Bigler, Bright, Crittenden, Douglas, Gvvin, Hunter, Johnson, Kennedy, Lane, Latbani, Mason, Nicholson, Tolk, I ugh Rice, Sebastian, Thomson, and Wigfnll—19.

"Nays —Messrs. Anthony, Bmgmnn; Chandler Clart Dixon, Doolittle, Durken, Fcssenden, Foot, Foster, Grimes, Harlan, King, Morrill, Sumner,! Ten Lyck, 1 Trumbull, Wade, Wilkinson, and Wilson—20."

Of the nineteen who voted yea, seventeen were Democrats and two southern Americans. 1 lie twenty who voted na$ were all Republicans, it the Republicans had voted yea, the country would have been saved, and no war with all its desolating effects would have been inaugurated, but party predominated.

It has often been asserted by the Opposition that the Crittenden amendments would not have saved the country from war. I will not rest the solution of this question upon my own opinion. X appeal to the proceedings in the Senate for a correct estimatsef their value. SenatorPugh, of Ohio, has put on record the following testimony as to what could have been done under a proper desire to save the Union:

The Crittenden proposition has been indorsed by the almost unanimous vote of the Legislature ofKcntucky. it has been indorsed by the Legislature of the noble old Commonwealth of Virginia. It has been petitioned for bv a larger number of electors of the United States than any proposition that was ever before Congress. I believe in my heart to day that it would carry an overwhelming majority of the people of my State; ay, sir, and of nearly every State in the Union. Before the Senators from the State of Mississippi left this Chamber T heard one of them, who assumes at least to be president of the southern confederacy, propose to accept it and maintain the Union if that proposition could receive the vote it ought to receive from the other side of the Chamber. Therefore, all of your propositions, of all your amendments, knowing as I do, and knowing that the historian will write it down, at any time before the 1st oi January, a two thirds vote for the Crittenden resolution in this Chamber would have saved every State in the Union but South Carolina. Georgia would be here by her Representatives and Louisiana, those two great States which at least would have brokenthewholocolurrm of secession —Globe second session, Thirty Sixth Congress, page 1390.

To show that yielding would have saved us, we quote thelamented Douglasatan early period: The Senator [Sir. Pugh] has said that if the Crittenden proposition could have passed early in the session it would have saved all the States except South Carolina, i firmly believe it would. While the Crittenden proposition was not in accordance with my cherished views, I avowed my readiness to accept it, in order to save the Union if we could unite upon it. I can confirm the Senator s declaration, that Senator Davis himself, When on that committee of thirteen, was ready at all times to compromise on the Crittenden proposition. I will go fuittiei and say that ]\lr. Toombs was also."— Globe, second session, TkUty Sixlh Congress, page 1391.

Judge Douglas said in a speech in the Senate, January 3, 1861:

I address the inquiry to the Republicans alone, for the reason that, in the committee of thirteen a few days ajro, every memberofthe South, including those from the cotton States, [Messrs. Toombs anil Davis J expressed their readiness to accept the proposition of my venerable friend from Kentucky [Mr, Crittenden] as a linal settlement of the controversy, it tendered and sustained by Republican members. lienee the sole responsibility of our disagreement. The only difficulty in the way 01 amicable adjustment is with the Republican party."

Judge Douglas has so often been quoted on this floor as authority, 1 scarcely think any one willdeny what he said. Then, sir, the prescntAdministration and its friends are responsible for the non settlement of our difficulties, and are equally chargeable with the secessionists for every drop of blood which has been shed. The very acts of the Opposition prove they did not desire to have peace arid tranquillity reign, but preferred bloodshed at the risk of national ruin and bankruptcy. Hear the present Secretary of the Treasury: Washington, February 9 1861

Or; ah Sir: Thanks for your note ami explanation of that vote, it may be useful. There in a greater disposition to compromise than I like to see. But I hope the best. Half a dozen of the border State gentlemen have been in our room to night Btheridgeand Stokes, ol Teiinessi e Adams and ISristow, of Kentucky; Gilmer, of North Carolina, and others. I really sympathize with tkc n ia see no reason why we should sacrifice -pei manently a t arok power to help them, for tile purpose ot gaining tcmpoi arily a little one. if ours, cordially, S. r. CHASE.

"There is a greater disposition to compromise than I like to see," says Mr. Chase. Certain southern gentlemen had been in his room asking for compromise. He really sympathized with them, but his party fealty held him against a settlement.

We hear it frequently asserted that the responsibility of not quelling the rebellion in its infancy rests with President Buchanan. If there ever was a clear and satisfactory defense for any public man in times of great national danger, that defense undoubtedly belongs to Mr. Buchanan. That he exercised rare qualities of statesmanship and a most exalted patriotism is a proposition which I regard as beyond all controversy. It is true that he was of all men in the country the most anxious that our difficulties should be settled without a resort to arms— cc For the field of the dead rushed red on his sight."

In the Gulf States the excitement ran high. Southern men, who, as Mr. Douglas testifies, were willing and anxious for a settlement, entreated him to exert his influence with the northern men to meet them on equal grounds. His days were spent in unavailing attempts to have them appreciate the danger. They listened not to his admonitions, and when he brought the subject to their attention by his message of January 8, 1861, and urged upon them the necessity of either compromising the difficulties or giving him power to raise the requisite forces, they scorned his counsel and refused him the power. Congress contented itself with preparing and listening to angry speeches, still more exciting the public mind. The peace convention was broken up by Republicans. Yet through all these dark days Mr. Buchanan safely carried this Government and handed it over in full vigor to Mr. Lincoln. That he should have done so well, standing as he did between two parties bent on the destruction of the country, will be the great wonder of our children. It is a most fitting commentary upon the policy of Mr. Buchanan s administration that Mr. Lincoln, for six long weeks ilfterhis inauguration, followed precisely in the footsteps of his predecessor. This fact speaks more for the wisdom of Mr. Buchanan s policy than all the praise of his most ardent friends.

I repeat it, Mr. Speaker, and history will sustain me in the declaration, that the same breath which casts calumny upon Mr. Buchanan for an alleged inefficiency must cover with unspeakable shame the man who, with that experience before him, chose to walk in the same path. Mr. Lincoln well knew that up to the day that Port Sumter was fired upon the prospect for a settlement had not faded away. The three great States of Virginia, Tennessee, and North Carolina still stood fast for the Union, and he himself had but a short time before expressed the opinion that the Union sentiment predominated in every southern State except perhaps South Carolina. Mr. Buchanan acted upon the belief that the American people could never be guilty of such gross folly as to lash themselves to pieces in a civil war. Had Fort Sumter been fired upon during his term of office, force would have been met by force. General Dix in a speech made not long since bears this testimony to Mr. Buchanan sresolution and he, it will be remembered, was a member of the Cabinet, and ought to know what he affirms.

War is upon us; what shall we do? Shall we resign ourselves to the fate of a dismembered republic, or will we spring up, giant like to a new hope of a speedy peace and restoration of the Union? Under this Administration we never can have it. I take it, sir, it is not the intention of the Opposition to have peace until every negro is free. If this was not their object the Administration in power would have faithfully adhered to the resolution adopted by Congress with unparalleled unanimity on the 22d of July, 1861," that this war is not waged on their part in any spirit of oppression, for any purpose of conquest or subjugation, or purpose of overthrowing or interfering with the rights or established institutions of the States, but to defend and maintain thesiqirttnacy of the Constitution, and to preserve the Union ivilli all the dignity, equality, and rights of the several States unimpaired." They will free the slaves of the South and enslave their own children in the most galling yoke known to mankind, that of enormous taxation to pay an immense publicdebt. I charge it upon the Opposition—

That they are not in favor of a restoration of this Union; that, iti the event of the election of a Democratic President in November next, they will be in favor of the recognition of the southern confederacy.

That the war has been made a pretextand apology for the usurpation, by the President, of powers unwarranted by the Federal Constitution, and totally irreconcilable with the letter and spirit of our institutions.

That the war has been conducted to buildup a party at the expense of blood and treasure and time, and at the hazard of permanent separation of the States.

That the conduct of the war has been characterized by corruptions unprecedented in the history of any people, for which the President has in many instances declared himself responsible.

That the present Administration has committed itself to doctrines which elevate the military above the civil power, affect the purity of the ballot box and endanger the personal libertyof the citizen.

That the policy now declared is fatal, not merely to all ideas of a legal reunion of the States, but foreshadows future bankruptcy, constant agitation, the establishment of a large standing army, and, in a time not remote, a military centralization such as to day exists in France.

If we are prepared for all this; if we close our eyes and shut our mouths, and do not raise our voices against the infringement that is now being made upon our rights, and we permit the present Administration to remain in power, we should bow our necks to the yoke of tyranny without a murmur. But if we intend to secure to ourselves the imperishable boon to speak, to act as a free people, and to enjoy liberty and preserve our rights, we must retrace our steps to a strict observance of the laws and the Constitution. The question is with the people to decide." Where there is a will there is a way." No bristling bayonets, no threats or executive influence can tame the will of a people who love liberty. Their fires will be kindled upon every mountain side, until the valleys are lurid with the burning insense upon the altar of liberty, and their shouts will be heard above the din of battle:

To arms, my friends. And let no sword be sheathed

Until our land from cliff to lake is free!

Free as our torrents are that leap our rocks,

Or as our peaks, that wear their caps of snow

In the very presence of the regal sun

A country is never lost that hath one man

To wrestle with the tyrant who would enslave her!"

The liberty of speech, the freedom of the ballot box and the inalienable rights of the citizen are worth preserving. If defending them on this floor makes this side of the House, in the opinion of gentlemen on the other side, sympathizers with the rebellion, we know we do our duty, and that unborn generations will rise to bless the memory of the men who have preserved for them the rights and privileges of their fathers.

Mr. KELLOGG, of Michigan. Mr. Speaker, I have had no time to prepare remarks for this occasion that would be worthy of a subject of such importance to the people of this country as that which we have now before us; but I cannot avoid expressing my opinions and feelings on this question, and, standing here for my constituents, to declare in their behalf my desire that the amendment of the Constitution which this bill contemplates shall finally prevail.

There are so many reasons and so many arguments that might be urged in behalf of this measure that I hardly know where to begin. )t seems to me that our prosperity as a people, our progress in civilization, and our duty to mankind, demand such an amendment of the Constitution, and that if we evade it we shall be guilty of treason to human liberty and human rights.

The American Revolution of 1770 was the great event of the eighteenth century, and in my opinion the greatest event of the last eighteen hundred years, and one even of more importance than any other that has taken place in the civilized world. It was not because it severed the connection of the thirteen colonics with the mother country and erected them into an independent nation, but because the result of that Revolution was the establishment of a Government based upon principles not recognized in any other in all the history of the past. It was an attempt to create political institutions that should harmonize practice with the great cardinal principles of Christianity as taught by Christ and His apostles, principles which I believe are yet to prevail universally and make their way to the dominion of the world. They were new in the history of nations, for they taught the duty of protecting the poor and succoring the oppressed, and enjoined the deliverance of all men from the bondage of body or soul and the education and consequent elevation of the race.

Mr. Speaker, they are well expressed jn the Declaration of Independence, which affirms that all men are created equal and possessed of rights which are inalienable; that Governments can righ t- fullyexistonly with the consentof the governed, and that they are established for the protection of the humblest as well as the most exalted member of the body politic and to secure them in the enjoyment of those rights with which God endowed them when He gave them existence.

It was a belief in the possibility of such a Government that' caused the American Revolution and carried our ancestors successfully through it. They had a conviction that these principles must finally prevail, and their faith sustained them in a most unequal contest till they were finally victorious, and won for themselves a name and place among the nations of the earth.

But their trials did not end with the advent of peace, and something more must be done if they would secure the political blessings for which they had sacrificed so much blood arid treasure. The partial union of the States under the Articles of Confederation enabled them to achieve their independence, but the Government it created possessed so little power that it could not provide for the payment of the public debt nor command the respect of the people. It was apparent to all that it was necessary to form a more perfect Union and establish a Government with sufficient powers for the emergency which called it into being, and to preserve the liberties and the national independence which had been so dearly won. In this crisis of our history, when wise men knew not what to do, George Washington, our great leader in the struggle for independence, who I devoutly believe was raised up by God for this occasion, called together, for consultation, his illustrious associates in the Revolution in the hope that they might by their united wisdom accomplish what the people so ardently desired.

They assembled in Philadelphia, where Congress first proclaimed the Declaration of Independence, to devise a way to give force and effect to its provisions, and, after months spentin solemn deliberation and discussion, they succeeded in framing a Constitution so perfect in all its parts that it seems almost the work of inspiration.

The object of this Constitution was admirably expressed in its preamble, which declares that— We, the people of the United States, in Older to forma more perfect Union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquillity, provide for the comnioiHlefen e promote the general welfare, and secure the blessing ofhbetty to ourselves and our posterity, do ordain and establish this Constitution for the United States of America."

It established a national Government, with ample powers for all purposes, and promising every blessing to the people; it was approved and adopted by them, and thus became the supreme law of the land. The statesmen and philosophers of the Old World admired it; the prosperity of the American people for three quarters of a century testifies its worth; and we all feel and believe that it is the grandest work of human genius and human wisdom the world has ever known. But while it was adapted to the condition of the country at that time, the great men who devised it saw that some change might be necessary in the future, and wisely provided a way for its amendment so difficult an accidental majority could not effect it, yet easily accomplished when it was plainly the wish of the people. Several amendments have been made already, and no one has questioned their wisdom or doubted their utility. But the one which we propose is more important than any that has been offered in the past or that is likely to be presented in the future. Its adoption is necessary if we wish to carry out the objects of the Constitution itself as set forth in the preamble, and remove the only cause of discord and contention from our midst. We propose to insert an article prohibiting slavery throughout the Republic; and unless this is done I fear we shall experience greater calamities in the future than we have suffered already.

I am aware that many m this House object to this amendment, and 1 confess I am amazed at the opposition to a measure of such vital importance to our country. We are told that slavery is dead, that the war has destroyed it, and this provision in the Constitution is unnecessary; but I do not believe it.

If the rebels should lay down their arms to day and submit to the Constitution and laws of the United States slavery would still exist and continue to exist increasing in influence and strength with each succeeding year until it would plunge us into greater difficulties than we are involved in riow. If they believe it is dead why object to making it certain, why not render its resurrection impossible and set the public mind at rest on this question forever'

I was surprised to hear it asserted on this floor that we had no right to amend the Constitution in the absence of those who are mainly affected by the provision we would adopt. What, sir J Have wo no right to change the organic law of the land when we act in accordance with the provisions of the Constitution itself, obeying it to the very letter? If the southern States are not represented it is not our fault, but theirs. Their Representatives left these Halls voluntarily, without any cause whatever, and if we sit here as the Congress of the United States in obedience to the Constitution and the laws what right have they to complain of our action however it may affect them?

We are told too that this is an interference with the rights of the people of the slave States, rights which were solemnly guarantied to them by the Constitution. Sir, what rights have rebels under a Constitution which they have set at naught? What rights under laws they refuse to obey? What rights under a Government they declare their determination to destroy? Sir, I cannot understand the logic of these gentlemen, nor do I believe them to be serious in their objection. f Mr. Speaker, the people demand that this shall be done. There is more unanimity among them in favor of this measure than any other on which we are called to act. The men of the country who are determined to preserve the Constitution and the Union, and who are pouring out their blood so freely in their defense are everywhere in favor of this amendment of the Constitution, and intensely anxious to see it adopted by this Congress and submitted to the States for their approval.

Gentlemen who sit on this floor as the Representatives of the people will vote as they think best, and in accordance, no doubt, with their views of duty, but I believe that those who vote against this measure will find it difficult to justify themselves to their constituents, and be compelled to relinquish their seats to men of different views hereafter.

Mr. Speaker, what is there in the institution of slavery as it exists in this country that should make us feel so tender and forbearing toward it? I cannot imagine a single reason that can be urged in its favor. It is a social, political, and moral evil, without a single redeeming feature, and its immediate abolition would be the greatest blessing that could be conferred upon our country or even upon the States where it now exists. The laws enacted for its protection are more wicked and barbarous than the statutes and decrees of any despot in the civilized world. It fosters ignorance, inculcates a hatred of the principles of liberty, and sanctions customs and practices of the most revolting character. Before the war broke out the principal exports of some of the States were human beings, who were daily sold in the markets of the South. The people of Virginia have sold men and women enough within the last fifty years, who were born and raised in their midst, to pay for all the real estate and personal property they were possessed of at the commencement of the rebellion. It was the business of many of them to breed human beings for sale and live on the proceeds, as the farmers of the West live and grow rich by raising herds of cattle and driving them to market. What cared they for the sufferings of families whom they separated, or the anguish ofthose whom they sold from their homes to the planters of the South? It was a trade that was sanctioned by public sentiment and the churches of the country, and protected by the laws and constitution of the State and the nation also; and why not, since it was part and parcel of the system and necessary to its existence? If we had prohibited the exportation of slaves from Virginia we should have destroyed slavery in that°State immediately by making it unprofitable. We see then that slavery and the slave trade are inseparable, and while we have the one we must the other.

Sir,' I do not wonder that some men are unable to speak of this organized system of iniquity with calmness and composure. Itscruelty and wickedness are enough to fill the soul with horror and send reason reeling from her throne.

We have called John Brown a fanatic; we have said that he was crazy, and I should not wonder if he was. He was a man who had a clear perception of the wickedness of slavery, and was so affected by it that he could think of nothing else." Here," said he,« are millions of human beings whom God made and Christ died for, who are robbed of every right by a people professedly Christian. They are men, but they must not read the word of God; they have no right to any reward for their labor; no right to their wives; no right to their children; no right to themselves! The law makes them property and affords them no protection, and what are the Christian people of this country doing about it? Nothing at all! Congress is discussing another compromise witieh if adopted will perpetuate this infernal system a century longer. Bishops and doctors of divinity are preaching in its favor, the press is rallying to its support, and our great cities, the tenters of trade and commerce, will not suffer it to he disturbed; but I cannot endure it any longer, and I will utter my protest against it in such a way that the world shall hear me if I die the next moment." And he did die; but his death woke up the nation, and I trust we shall never sleep again on this subject till we have swept the last vestige of slavery from the land.

Mr. Speaker, the gentleman from Pennsylvania [Mr. Coffroth] who preceded me says slavery was not the cause of the rebellion; but I do not agree with him. I know the leading men of the South had been conspiring against this Government for twenty five years, and were resolved to establish another of a different character altogether. But what caused this conspiracy against the best Government that ever existed? What but slavery itself and its influence upon them? It taught them to love absolute power, imbued them with a hatred of democratic ideas and institutions, and a love for those social and political distinctions in society which prevailed in the Governments of the Old World. De Bow, in his Review, the acknowledged organ of southern sentiments, affirms that republican institutions are a failure, and that an aristocratic form of government is the best for any people. True, said he, if you have an aristocracy you must have paupers, but better have it, notwithstanding. They would degrade the laboring classes to a condition below that of the peasantry of Europe and render it impossible for them to rise in society. The atrocious sentiment that it was better for society that the capitalists of the country should own the laborers, whether white or black, found ready advocates among them. In the government they wished to establish in the place of one founded by Washington they would have but two classes, masters and slaves.

Who does not see that civil war was inevitable under such circumstances, and that slavery was the cause of it? The gentleman from Pennsylvania thinks we might have preventedit by adopting a conciliatory course toward the South, but he offers no evidence in support of the assertion. I was here when the rebellion broke out, and I do not believe the adoption of the Crittenden compromise, so called, would have postponed the war for a single week. Southern Senators laughed at the idea of being satisfied in such a way. They were determined to dissolve the Union and establish a separate government in conformity with their ideas, and they firmly believed that we would allow them to do so. They had a supreme contempt for the people of the North, and never dreamed of the difficulties in the way or the opposition they were to encounter. They had made up their minds to do as they pleased, and set the Government of the United States at defiance. It was the last great effort of slavery for the control of this continent, and will end in its annihilation. Heaven and earth are arrayed against it, and what can save it now? God made the human race subject to the law of progress, and all the slaveholders of the country and their friends and advocates in this House or elsewhere will fail to put any brakes on the chariot wheels of Almighty God and prevent the onward march of all mankind toward that liberty and independence which He has promised them at some period in the faroff future.

Mr. Speaker, I regret that any one should be found on the floor of either House who would propose peace on terms whichare degrading to every American citizen, and which would destroy the Government of the United States. A day or two since a resolution was introduced in the Senate [by Mr. Davis, of Kentucky] calling upon the President to take steps to secure peace at any price, and, if necessary, to consent to the recognition of the rebel government rather than continue the war. Such an act on our part would bring upon us the contempt of the whole world and the curses of our posterity. If the South bccumo an independent nation they would form alliances with France and England, and be ready in a few years to renew the war. Let no one suppose we should be able to live long in peace with them, or that a pretext would be wanting on their part for a rupture. A confession of our inability to vanquish them would increase their contempt for us, and, burning with a desire to avenge their fancied wrongs, they would seize the first occasion to involve us it) a war more desolating than we are engaged in now. Better fight this out now, for, come whatwiilj we cannot consent to adissolution of the Union; that would be the greatest calamity that could befall us.

The opponents of the Government who belong to the peace at any price party are anxious to convince the people that they cannot carry on this war much longer because of the expense involved in it, and that national bankruptcy and financial ruin are inevitable. One of my colleagues, who I am sorry to say is not a friend of the Administration, fixes the liabilities of the national Government on the 1st day of July nextat 3 000 000 000 The people in his opinion cannot pay the interest on this debt much longer; but if he is a friend of the Union, as he assures me that he is, I am confident that lie will thank me for showing him that ho is mistaken. The entire indebtedness of the nation at the close of the fiscal year in July next will not exceed §1 800 000 000 and should the war continue a year longer, it will not reach the amount which he asserts is due already. We have ample means for the payment of this debt were it much larger than it ever will be. In 1850 our national wealth amounted in round numbers to 7 000 000 000 In 1860 it had reached the sum of 16 000 000 000 and should it continue to increase in the same ratio for the next forty years it will amount to more than 400 000 000 000 Our population will soon bo double what it now is, and the debt we incur in suppressing the rebellion will not be large in comparison with our resources. Our taxes may be burdensome for a while, but the people are willing to pay them. They know what this Government is worth and they will not suffer it to be destroyed.

Hut we are told that we cannot conquer the South. Sir, if we do not conquer them they will conquer us. One side or the other must be subdued. There is no escaping that result and j o peace to be had on any other terms. Those who have watched the progress of the great commander whose army is now thundering at the gates of Richmond believe he will be successful, and that no matter how bravely the rebels may fight, no matter what skill and genius they may display in the handling of their armies, no matter how despair may nerve their arms, their defeat is inevitable, and they will have to submit at last to the armies of the union.

Fresh troops are pouring in from every part of the country, and the northwestern States alone have furnished one hundred thousand men in the last thirty days for the reinforcement of our armies.

Ohio tendered thirty five thousand, and the most of them were ready to march as soon as they were accepted. They were ordered to man the forts and defenses of the frontier, but when they saw our wounded heroes borne back from the battle field they besought the President to order them to the front, that they too might prove their devotion to their country and peril their lives in its defense. Michigan has furnished more than her quota of men for every campaign since the commencement of the war. Thousands of her sons have fallen in battle and sleep on southern soil, but 1 trust when the last trumpet sounds they will rise under the same flag that waved over them when they fell.

While our armies are fighting our battles the people have nominated our worthy President for another term, and intend to elect him by an overwhelming majority. They have confidence in his patriotism and ability, and laugh at the silly charges of our enemies that he will rob them of their liberties and despoil them of their rights. They will sustain him in whatever lie may do at this time for the salvation of the Union. Sir, it is not the friends of the Government, not those who desire its preservation, nor those who love liberty and hate despotism, who complain of the Executive or foe! aggrieved at anything he may do. It is your half way traitor, the sympathizer with treason, who will do all he can in behalf of the enemies of the Union and escape conviction under the laws. These are the men who are prating about tyranny, talking about arbitrary arrests, and denouncing those who would save the country at any hazard whatever.

Sir, the Constitution confers sufficient power upon the President to enable him to put down this rebellion, and the people expect he will use it against the enemies of the Republic, whoever they may be.

The able statesman whom we have selected for the second place in the people s gift resides in the South; but those who have listened to his denunciations of treason, and who know his hatred of slavery, his love of liberty, and his devotion to the cause of human rights, rejoice that he has been chosen for a post of such importance, and will give him their hearty and undivided support. Mr. Speaker, we cannot magnify the importance of the issues involved in this conflict for the supremacy of the Government and the integrity of the nation. Our cause is that of the whole family of man, and every lover of liberty in the Old World is watching the progress of this struggle with intense solicitude. Never since the Son of God expired on Calvary has any event transpired upon earth in which every human being is so deeply interested as in the result of this contest. It will settle the question of man s capacity for self government and settle it forever.

If this Republic is destroyed no other will rise upon its ruins, but if we are successful other nations will follow our example, till liberty is universal.

Sir, my trust is in the intelligence and patriotism of the people, anil may God help us to preserve our liberties and institutions, and transmit them unimpaired to our posterity.

Mr. ItOSS. Mr. Speaker, occupying the position of a new member, without congressional experience, I have refrained from participating in the discussion ofpublic affairs; but in view of the extraordinary assumptions indulged in by leading members of the party in power in arrogating to themselves to be the exclusive Union party, and hurling their anathemas of disloyalty against the Democratic party, I deem it due to my constituency and myself to probe their pretended Unionism, toanswerand repel thegravecalumny. Perhaps the radical members from Maryland and Ohio [Messrs. Davis and Schenck] have been the most arrogant in theirassumptions and vituperative in their aspersions, while smaller craft have followed in their wake.

As evidence to sustain the slanderous imputation, reference is made to certain resolutions offered in the Legislatures of Illinois and otherStates, and votes cast for Democratic nominees for Governor. Now, sir, the resolutions of said States, and the views of said candidates for Governor, may be submitted to the severest test of scrutiny, and the most unscrupulous mendacity cannot show a word or sentiment which does not breathe the purest patriotism and exhibit the most exalted devotion to the best interest of the country. I profess to have some knowledge of this party, having for thirty years been an humble member within the pale of its organization, aiding and rejoicing in its triumphs, and sorrowing over its defeats. A party has never existed more national in its principles, conservative in its action, or patriotic in its impulses than the old Democratic guard. Sir, it has a clear record and an untarnished history, which will live m the affections and memories of ttie people as long as personal liberty and free constitutional government shall endure. Permit me to call attention to a few significant historical facts: the Democratic party made the Government, they laid broad and deep its solid foundations and built the magnificent superstructure. From its organization, with few and short exceptions, they have held and governed it. For over sixty years it exercised its functions. Under its auspices and wise legislation we increased from three or four millions to over thirty millions of population, from thirteen to thirty lour States; under the tegis of our flag our commerce floated upon every sea, honored and respected throughout the world, without large armies or navies or a national debt to paralyze industry, exhaust the substance, or fester in the flesh of the people; they carried us safely and ti umiphamSy through the war of- 1812 and with Mexico; they added large accessions of territory to the national domain; the rights and liberties of citizens were protected and defended at home and abroad, on the land and the sea; Government securities were eagerly sought and commanded a premium in coin; the people were happy, prosperous, and contented; the public mind was securely at rest in the abiding faith that the experiment of free government had proved a success, that they had built upon a rock, and the gates of hell should not prevail against it.

These, sir, are some of the trophies scattered along the highway of our national greatness, acquired under the auspices of that party now charged with disloyalty by these newly fledged Unionists. In behalf of my constituency and the Democracy of the country 1 pronounce the charge a willful, malicious slander, and hurl the imputation back in the teeth of the calumniators with merited scorn and indignant contempt.

Having said thus much in vindication of the Democracy, suppose we carry the warinto Africa and feel the strength of the enemy. And you are a Union party, are you? Pray tell us when, where, and how jmi got to be a Union party? Surely it was not in I860, when with taunts and jeers you sneeringly called us" Union savers Many of these latter day Unionists are from the old Federal stock, lineal descendants from the Tories of the Revolution, enemies to the Union, the Constitution, and our form of government from the beginning. Disciples of the Adams Ham iltonian Federal theory, they wanted a stronger, more consolidated system; they held it unsafe to confer general political powers into the hands of the people, they distrusted their capacity to govern themselves, and would have modeled our organic law more after the British form; but Madison, Jefferson, and their compeers thwarted their machinations. Since then they have been restless for a change, ever ready to coalesce with any party or faction to extirpate the Democratic theory and change the form of government; and although the names are legion by which this Federal scion has been known, they never before had the presumption or unblushing impudence to call themselves a" Union party." They a Union party! No, sir; they are the most wily, dangerous enemies the Union has ever encountered; their pretended devotion is only to enable them more effectually to undermine the Government and filch from the people their liberties. Judas saluted his master with a kiss that he might betray him into the hands of his enemies. It is to be hoped that our Union and Constitution may survive the deadly embrace and hypocritical kiss of these latter day Judases, who, less scrupulous than their prototype who exacted com as the pi ice of innocent blood, are willing to take pay in contracts, cotton, or greenbacks.

Sir, this fungus "Union party" came into power with treason in its heart and perjury upon its lips; they took upon themselves a solemn oath to support and maintain the Federal Constitution, and at the same time held and promulgated the treasonable doctrine that our form of government had proved a failure, and could not endure, although for over three quarters of a century we had lived beneath its asgis, enjoying the blessings of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness such as had never fallen to the lot of any other people in the world s history. How could it be expected that they would successfully administer a Government which in advance they had declared a failure? Our revolutionary fathers made it to endure as long as time should last. They little thought in laying the solid foundations for future empire that it would cease to endure and crumble into fragments within the first century. It did endure, answering all the purposes of a perfect Government for over eighty years, and in our simplicity, except for the teachings and practices of this new Union party, we would never have doubled its stability or endurance. Thanks to an overruling Providence and the virtue patriotism and wisdom of our fathers, it has so far successfully endured the assaults of open enemies and the covert embrace of pretended friends; it has endured and outlived every danger except four years' rule of the party in power, and that is truly hard to endure; and although the aspect of our national affairs looks dark, gloomy, and portentous of evil, let us never despair of the Republic, but take courage hud still hope that we may weather the storm of fanaticism and passion, and live and endure to overcome and consign to the grave of oblivion, amidst the exultant shouts of a disenthralled people, its last, most dangerous, insidious enemy.

In the present exigency of our national affairs, the practical, important question which should demand the thoughtful and dispassionate consideration of the country is how it is to be extricated from its present sad humiliating condition; how the fell spirits of secession and abolitionism, twin relics of barbarism" and discord, may be securely and effectually buried with the national approbation inacommon grave and "the public mind rest secure in the belief that they are in process of ultimate extinction."

Three alternatives, looking to a solution of pending difficulties, are being considered and canvassed by the people.

The first looks to a continued prosecution of the war, involving the overthrow of State institutions and governments, and the entire subjugation or extermination of the insurgents.

The second contemplates" letting the wayward sisters go in peace," division of the country and recognition of their independence, with offensive and defensive treaty stipulations and the free navigation of the Mississippi.

The third and lastalternative is by means of an armistice to cease hostilities, call a national convention, with a view of amicably settling and adjusting all our differences upon the basis of the Constitution as it is and the Union as it was.

Perhaps neither of these plans are exempt from objection, but if they are the only alternatives left us we should manfully face the difficulties, calmly and dispassionately canvass them, and select the least objectionable. History and our own sad experience should admonish us that war, especially a civil war, is a fearful calamity, and should be accepted only for the most imperative considerations, after all hope of honorable, peaceful adjustment had failed. I do not hold that war is never justifiable; by no means. After the exhaustion of all peaceful remedies, as the last alternative, with all its train of evils, rather than submit to national dishonor, insult, or disintegration, we should accept the arbitrament of arms. I have no hesitation in saying, however, that in my judgment the sanguinary fratricidal conflict in which our country is now involved might by wise and prudential means on the part of those temporarily charged with the administration of public affairs have been honorably avoided; that there has been a wanton and unnecessary sacrifice of blood and treasure, and that the war should cease whenever and just as soon as peace can be secured, with a disintegrated Government, and the constitutional rights and powers of the Federal and State Governments unimpaired.

The second alternative of separation and recognition has been espoused and plausibly sustained by leading politicians and journals of both political parties; but there are to my mind serious if not insuperable objections to the proposed separation. A treaty based upon recognition and independence would, 1 fear, amount to nothing more enduring than a truce; that the sanguinary conflict would be renewed along our extended borders aggravated and intensified by heart burnings and animosities until protracted, exhausting wars would lead to foreign alliance. I hope we may never be subjected to the humiliation of being vassals and dependents to the despotisms of the Old World. Separation affords no adequate remedy for existing evils. There is not room enough on the North American continent for two independent Governments. Give me rather the gilded hope ofmy youthful fancy, an ocean bound Republic, with the adjacent islands shining stars in the effulgent galaxy of the national constellation, each harmoniously moving in its appropriate orbit around their common center. Hence t conclude that the best interests of both sections and the whole country require that we should now and forever abandon all thought of despoiling our inheritance and jeopardizing our liberties by the suicidal policy of disintegration.

This brings me to the consideration of the third and last alternative, to wit, peace and a restored Union by means of mutual concessions and a fair and just compromise. This, I am frank to say, I regard with more favor than either of the preceding alternatives. It at once affords a full solution of all our differences in the spirit and upon the basis of the original compact. It has the approving sanction of precedents, and the high authority of the distinguished patriots and statesmen whose places we unworthily fill. It has the advantage of a continued and perpetuated union of the States by consent and not by force. It stops any further sacrifice of the lives of our brave men, and the accumulation of national debt. It is more in harmony with the sublime teachings of our divine Master, who said," Blessed are the peacemakers." It will place us beyond the contingency of danger from foreign intervention or molestation. It is, "sir, the true remedy, the infallible specific for the ills by which we are encompassed. It is the road our fathers trod; let us" keep step to the music of the Union," and follow in their footsteps. Perhaps the inquiry may be suggested, how are we to attain so desirable a result? I am wedded to no specific plan; if there is a will a way will readily be found. Permit me, however, to suggest that we first agree upon an armistice, then send commissioners to meet on the 4th of July at Mount Vernon, around the grave of Washington, when the soul stirring inspiration of the day, the grandeur of the place, and the solemnity of the occasion would still and subdue every selfish ambition and unholy emotion, and rekindle a spirit of patriotism and love of country in the hearts of degenerate sons. Let the commissioners fix upon a time and place for holding a national convention to finally settle and adjust in a spirit of fairness and mutual concession all our differences; then unite and consolidate the national forces, North and South into one grand invincible army of the Republic, and vindicate the honor and insulted dignity of the nation by reaffirming the inviolability of the Monroe doctrine, reinstating free institutions wherever foreign despots have intervened for their overthrow on this continent.

But am I asked," Suppose all efforts to compromise fail, whatdo you then propose?" Thmis impossible; it must not, cannot be. I will not suffer myself to raise the curtain and contemplate the d i m vista lying beyond all hopes of settlement. This unnatural, cruel conflict is sustained and procrastinated by passion, prejudice, and hatred. Patriotism, nationality, self interest civilization, humanity, and Christianity all prompt a settlement. Political fanaticism, like all other virulent contagious diseases to which frail humanity is subject, will run its course. If the patient survive, reason will be restored, it may be with a shattered and broken constitution, with heavy unliquidated liabilities, with a mere skeleton of former greatness and power; but still the patient lives.

We are now passing the crucible, the fiery ordeal of this malignant disease; the hectic .flush mantles the cheek, the pulse beats quick and wiry, but there are still hopes, by a change of doctors and treatment, and careful nursing, the patient may survive. If I had power to reach the mind and touch the heart of the nation, I would beseech my countrymen everywhere, North and South, to stay their hands and cease this self destruction before it be forever too late. Whypersistin destroyingthebestform ofgovernmentever devised by the wisdom, virtue, and patriotism of man? Why blot out the world s last hope of free constitutional liberty? The despots of the Old World have no love for our free institutions and democratic form ofgovernment; they have marked with a jealous eye our growing greatness and power; they are pleased with the manner m which we are executing a job for them which they dare not undertake themselves._ If we continue to gratify them by procrastinating our civil war until our armies are destroyed and our finances collapse, they will be ready to grasp the exhausted giant by the throat, and furnish Maximilians to rule over us. I would implore the country to pause and reflect; this question of self preservation, of maintaining our liberties and free institutions, rises infinitely above all party considerations. Save the country though political parties crumble into atoms like a rope of sand. We must not suffer this mental aberration, this quasi insanity to run on until the epitaph of suicide is inscribed on the national monument.