A Native of Virginia, Article V

The Congreſs, whenever two-thirds of both Houſes ſhall deem neceſſary, ſhall propoſe amendments to this Conſtitution; or, •• the application of the Legiſlatures of two-thirds of the ſeveral •tates, ſhall call a Convention for propoſing amendments, which 〈◊〉 either caſe, ſhall be valid to all intents and purpoſes, as part 〈◊〉 this Conſtitution, when ratified by the Legiſlatures of three •••rths of the ſeveral States, or by Conventions in three-fourths •••reof, as the one or the other mode of ratification may be pro••ſed by the Congreſs. Provided, that no amendment which •ay be made prior to the year one thouſand eight hundred and 〈◊〉, ſhall in any manner effect the firſt and fourth clauſes in 〈◊〉 ſection of the firſt article; and that no State, without conſent, ſhall be deprived of its equal ſuffrage in the Senate.

ALL human productions muſt partake of imperfection. The •embers of the Convention did not pretend to infallibility: •hey conſidered that experience might bring to light inconve•iences which human wiſdom could not foreſee—And this ar•cle wiſely provides for amendments, the neceſſity of which 〈◊〉 may diſcover.

THERE is not an article of the Conſtitution that deſerves •cater praiſe than this. The Convention ſenſible that they ••uld not foreſee every contingency, and guard againſt every ••ſſible inconvenience: Senſible that new circumſtances might ariſe, which would render alterations in the government neceſſary; have declard that whenever two-thirds of both Houſes of Congreſs, or two-thirds of the State Legiſlatures, ſhall concur in deeming amendments neceſſary, a general Convention ſhall be appointed, the reſult of which, when ratified by three fourths of the Legiſlatures, ſhall become a part of the Federal Government.

I CONFESS myſelf at a loſs to conceive what better mode could have been adopted. If the ſyſtem be reduced to practice, and experience ſhall diſcover important defects, there can be no doubt but that two-thirds of Congreſs will be ſenſible to them, and will point them out to the different Legiſlatures. On the other hand, it is equally certain, that if the defects be flagrant, they will be readily ſeen by two thirds of the Legiſlatures, and a Convention will neceſſarily be the conſequence: Nor is there any cauſe to apprehend, that the reſult of ſuch Convention, will be rejected by one-fourth of the States: Since all the States muſt feel the inconvenience of important defects.

BUT, ſay the friends to previous amendments, friends, as many of them pretend even to an energetic Federal Government, why not amend the Conſtitution before it is adopted? To this it may be anſwered, that they ſhould firſt demonſtrate their objections to be well founded; and that their propoſed amendments, if they can be ſaid to have offered any, would make it better. I am inclined to think, that neither Mr. Gerry's, Mr. Maſon's, nor Governor Randolph's, would. Upon this occaſion I hope I ſhall be excuſed for recommending to thoſe gentlemen, as well as to other objectors, Dr. Franklin's laſt ſpeech in the Convention, which is replete with good ſenſe, as well as a marked deference for the opinions of others. If the objections of theſe gentlemen be groundleſs, the Conſtitution needs no amendment; if they be not, it cannot be amended in the manner they propoſe. Mr. Maſon, Mr. Randolph, the State of Virginia, raiſe objections: Mr. Gerry, and the State of Maſſachuſetts, do the ſame: Every other citizen, every other State, has an equal right. A new Convention is formed, the propoſed plan is amended, or a new one produced. It is again preſented to the public eye. New blemiſhes appear new amendments are thought neceſſary. That which Mr. Maſon may think a perfection, another may think a fault: What would be agreeable to Maſſachuſetts, might diſpleaſe Virginia. In a word, there would be no end to objections, amendments, and Conventions. All federal government falls to the ground. Anarchy enſues, and produces convulſions, which inevitably end in deſpotiſm.