Article I, Section 2, Clause 3

The ho• 〈◊〉 repreſentatives is to be the immediate choice of the people, and one man is to repreſent 30,000 ſouls.

The paragraph gives the ratio of one representative to 30,000, the figure in Article I, Section 2, Clause 3.

When the increaſing population of the country ſhall render the body too large at the rate of one member for every thirty thouſand perſons, they will be returned at the greater rate of one for every forty or fifty thouſand, which will render the electors ſtill more incorruptible.

The paragraph discusses the rate of one member for every thirty thousand persons and the provision that no state shall have less than one member, both of which are in Article I, Section 2, Clause 3.

Now the new conſtitution expreſsly declares, that the foederal Repreſentatives ſhall be in the proportion of one to every thirty thouſand, which accords with reaſon and the true principles of liberty.

The note says the Constitution "expressly declares" the proportion of Representatives at one to every thirty thousand, the ratio in Article I, Section 2, Clause 3.

Convention foreseeing this danger, have so worded the article, that if the people should at any future time judge necessary, they may diminish the representation.

The paragraph refers to how the Convention "worded the article" so that the representation may be diminished; the preceding paragraph (4.3) is about the number of representatives, which this clause sets out.

The ••mber of Repreſentatives ſhall not exceed one for every thirty •houſand, but each State ſhall have at leaſt one Repreſentative: And until ſuch enumeration ſhall be made, the State of New Hampſhire ſhall be entitled to chooſe three; Maſſachuſetts, eight; Rhode-Iſland and Providence Plantations, one; Connecticut, 〈◊〉, New-York, ſix; New-Jerſey, four; Pennſylvania, eight; Delaware, one; Maryland, ſix; Virginia, ten; North-Caro••na, five; South-Carolina, five; and Georgia, three.

The paragraph prints Article I, Section 2, Clause 3 of the Constitution as signed; the quoted words are the same as the clause's (apart from capitals and the long s), though the pamphlet's punctuation differs in places.

EVERY free perſon counts one, every five ſlaves •ount three.

The paragraph explains the counting of free persons and of slaves ("every five slaves count three") for representation, which is the apportionment rule of Article I, Section 2, Clause 3.

INDIANS are mentioned in this clauſe becauſe there are nations of Indians within the limits of ſeveral of the States.

The paragraph explains why Indians are mentioned in "this clause," the apportionment clause printed above it (Article I, Section 2, Clause 3).

THIS clauſe is a confirmation of the third clauſe of the ſecond ſection of the firſt article.

The paragraph names "the third clause of the second section of the first article," which is Article I, Section 2, Clause 3.

If the numbers in America are not greatly exagerated, one member for every 30,000 will make the Houſe of Repreſentatives to conſiſt of an 100; which number will be increaſed every ten years.

The paragraph gives the ratio of one member for every 30,000 for the House of Representatives, the ratio in Article I, Section 2, Clause 3.

The next view which I shall take of the House of Representatives relates to the appointment of its members to the several States which is to be determined by the same rule with that of direct taxes.

Names the rule of this clause by which representatives are apportioned among the States by "the same rule with that of direct taxes."

In every State, a certain proportion of inhabitants are deprived of this right by the constitution of the State, who will be included in the census by which the federal Constitution apportions the representatives.

Refers to "the census by which the federal Constitution apportions the representatives," the apportionment and enumeration set in this clause.

Let the compromising expedient of the Constitution be mutually adopted, which regards them as inhabitants, but as debased by servitude below the equal level of free inhabitants, which regards the SLAVE as divested of two fifths of the MAN.

Continues the discussion of this clause's apportionment rule, calling it "the compromising expedient of the Constitution," which regards the slave "as divested of two fifths of the MAN," and "this article of the Constitution."

In one respect, the establishment of a common measure for representation and taxation will have a very salutary effect. As the accuracy of the census to be obtained by the Congress will necessarily depend, in a considerable degree on the disposition, if not on the co-operation, of the States, it is of great importance that the States should feel as little…

Refers to "a common measure for representation and taxation" and "the census to be obtained by the Congress," the shared apportionment rule and the enumeration set in this clause.

The number of which this branch of the legislature is to consist, at the outset of the government, will be sixtyfive. Within three years a census is to be taken, when the number may be augmented to one for every thirty thousand inhabitants; and within every successive period of ten years the census is to be renewed, and augmentations may continue to be made under the above limitation.

Gives the number of the House "at the outset" as sixty-five, a census "within three years" and every ten years after, and "one for every thirty thousand," the terms of this clause, whose figure it echoes.

…this case the weight which is due to it, and comparing it with that of the House of Representatives as above explained it seems to give the fullest assurance, that a representative for every THIRTY THOUSAND INHABITANTS will render the latter both a safe and competent guardian of the interests which will be confided to it.

Gives the ratio of the House as "a representative for every THIRTY THOUSAND INHABITANTS," echoing this clause's "one for every thirty Thousand."

Within every successive term of ten years a census of inhabitants is to be repeated. The unequivocal objects of these regulations are, first, to readjust, from time to time, the apportionment of representatives to the number of inhabitants, under the single exception that each State shall have one representative at least; secondly, to augment the number of representatives at the same periods, under the sole limitation that the whole number shall not exceed one for every thirty thousand inhabitants. If we review the constitutions of the several States, we shall find that some of them contain no determinate regulations on this subject, that others correspond pretty much on this…

Sets out the regulations of this clause on the number of representatives: the first number for three years, a census every ten years, "one representative at least" for each State, and the words "shall not exceed one for every thirty thousand."

The proportion is now ascertained by the quantity of landed property, then it will be by the number of persons.

The paragraph names the rule that the states' proportion of continental charges will be set by the number of persons, which is the apportionment of direct taxes in Article I, Section 2, clause 3.

If we adopt the new system, every member will depend upon thirty thousand people, mostly scattered over a large extent of country, for his election.

The paragraph names the ratio of one member for thirty thousand people, which is set in Article I, Section 2, clause 3.

There is to be one representative for every thirty thousand people.

The paragraph names the ratio of one representative for every thirty thousand people, which is set in Article I, Section 2, clause 3.

This is to be composed of two branches — the first to be called the general assembly, and is to be chosen by the people of the respective States, in proportion to the number of their inhabitants, and is to consist of sixty-five members, with powers in the legislature to increase the number, not to exceed one for every thirty thousand inhabitants.

The paragraph names the apportionment of the first branch by numbers, its first sixty-five members, and the limit of "one for every thirty thousand", all set in Article I, Section 2, clause 3.

The words are, " representatives and direct taxes shall be apportioned among the several States, which may be included in this Union, according to their respective numbers, which shall be determined by adding to the whole number of free persons, including those bound to service for a term of years, and excluding Indians not taxed, three-fifths of all other persons." What a strange and unnecessary accumulation of words are here used to conceal from the public eye what might have been expressed in the following concise manner : Representatives…

Introduced as "The words are", the paragraph quotes in quotation marks the first sentence of Article I, Section 2, clause 3 ("in this Union" for "within this Union").

…in some of them consists in these animals ; and they have as much control over their own actions as these poor unhappy creatures, who are intended to be described in the above recited clause, by the words, " all other persons." By this mode of apportionment, the representatives of the different parts of the Union will be extremely unequal ; in some of the Southern States the slaves are nearly…

The paragraph refers to "the above recited clause", quoted in the previous paragraph, and quotes its words "all other persons".

It will consist at first, of sixty-five, and can never exceed one for every thirty thousand inhabitants. A majority of these, that is, thirty-three, are a quorum, and a majority of which, or seventeen, may pass any law.

The paragraph names the first number of the house (sixty-five), the limit of "one for every thirty thousand", and New York's six members "on the present apportionment", all set in Article I, Section 2, clause 3.

The most general objections to the first article, that biennial elections for representatives are a departure from the safe democratic principles of annual ones — that the number of representatives are too few ; that the apportionment and principles of increase are unjust; that no attention has been paid to either the numbers or property in each state in forming the senate; that the mode in which they are appointed and their…

Among its objections "to the first article", the paragraph names the number of representatives and their apportionment and increase, which are set in Article I, Section 2, clause 3.

…which was sent such a number of deputies as was a complete representation of the various numbers and orders of citizens within them; but can it be asserted with truth, that six men can be a complete and full representation of the numbers and various orders of the people in this state?

The paragraph refers to the six representatives allotted to New York until the first enumeration.

The words, as expressed in this article, are " representatives and direct taxes shall be apportioned among the several states which may be included in this union, according to their respective numbers, which shall be determined by adding to the whole number of free persons, including those bound to service for a term of years, and excluding Indians not taxed, three-fifths of all other persons." In order to elucidate this, it will be necessary to repeat the remark in my last number, that the mode of legislation in the infancy of free communities was…

The paragraph quotes in quotation marks, as "the words, as expressed in this article", the apportionment clause (with "in this union" for "within this Union").

The number of representatives shall not exceed one for every 30,000 inhabitants."

Under the heading "Sect. 2d." (of Article I) the paragraph quotes the limit on the number of representatives from the third clause of that section.

When it is recollected that no poll tax can be imposed on five negroes, above what three whites shall be charged; when it is considered, that the imposts on the consumption of Carolina field negroes must be trifling, and the excise nothing, it is plain that the proportion of contributions,…

The paragraph describes the three-fifths ratio for apportioning direct taxes, which is set in Article I, Section 2, Clause 3.

One repreſentative to thirty thouſand inhabitants is a very inadequate repreſentation; and every man who is not loſt to all ſenſe of freedom to his country, muſt reprobate the idea of Congreſs altering by law, or…

The paragraph states the ratio of one representative to thirty thousand inhabitants, the figure in the apportionment clause of Article I, Section 2.

As to the organization the house of representatives, the democrative branch, as it is called, is to consist of 65 members : that is, about one representative for fifty thousand inhabitants, to be chosen biennially the federal legislature may increase this number to one for each thirty thousand inhabitants, abating fractional numbers in each state.

Gives the House's 65 members, the total of the first apportionment, and says the legislature may increase the number "to one for each thirty thousand inhabitants," echoing this clause's "one for every thirty Thousand."

By Art. i, Sec. 2, representatives and direct taxes shall be apportioned among the several states, &c. same art.

Cites "Art. i, Sec. 2" (OCR "i" for "1") and quotes the opening words of this clause.

for the common defence and general welfare, but all duties, imposts and excises, shall be uniform throughout the United States : By the first recited clause, direct taxes shall be apportioned on the states. This seems to favour the idea suggested by some sensible men and writers that congress, as to direct taxes, will only have power to make requisitions ; but the latter…

Refers back to "the first recited clause," the Art. 1, Sec. 2 apportionment of direct taxes quoted in the preceding paragraph.

…will receive their share of a [36] general impost ; The middle states will receive the advantages surrounding the seat of government ; The southern states will receive protection, and have their negroes represented in the legislature, and large back countries will soon have a majority in it.

Says the southern states will "have their negroes represented in the legislature," naming the counting of enslaved persons in apportioning representatives, which only this clause provides.

For the houſe of repreſentatives, the rule adopted in the conſtitution, is perhaps the proper one.

The paragraph speaks of "the rule adopted in the constitution" for the representation of the house of representatives, which is the apportionment rule of Article I, Section 2, Clause 3.

…of the ſtates, or the prevailing fac•ion in the government, to which they reſpectively belong will by thoſe thus circumſtanced be rejected; for is it to be preſumed that becauſe ten members from Virginia, eight from Maſſachuſetts or Pennſylvania in the houſe of repreſentatives, have paſſed a bill, whilſt one from Rhode Iſland or Delaware only had rejected it, that theſe ſtates will give up their equal ſuffrage in the ſenate?

The paragraph gives the number of members in the house of representatives for Virginia, Massachusetts and Pennsylvania (ten, eight and eight), the numbers in Article I, Section 2, Clause 3.

If this is contrasted with the constitution for the federal government — the constitutional assembly or house of representatives will be found to consist of sixty-five members divided among thirteen states, to be chosen every second year. Six for the state of New York ; not distributed among the counties, but by all the counties.

The paragraph refers to the allotment of representatives among the states until the first enumeration, naming the six for New York.

This paragraph states that the number of free persons, including those bound to service for a term of years, and excluding Indians not taxed, three fifths of all other persons.

In explaining "this paragraph" (the third paragraph of the 2d section, read in the preceding passage), the passage repeats the wording of the clause on the number of free persons, those bound to service and Indians not taxed. The paragraph is not named by number in this passage itself.

Friday, January 18.—The third paragraph of the 2d section of article one still under consideration.

The reporter records that "the third paragraph of the 2d section of article one" was under consideration; the reference is by number.

He would now proceed to state his objections to the clause just read, (section 2, of article 1, clause 3.) His objections were comprised under three heads: 1st, the rule of apportionment is unjust; 2d, there is no precise number fixed on, below which the house shall not be…

The speaker states his objections to "the clause just read" and identifies it by number as section 2, article 1, clause 3.

The first thing objected to is that clause which allows a representation for three fifths of the negroes.

The speaker answers the objection to "that clause which allows a representation for three fifths of the negroes"; only the three-fifths clause of Article I, Section 2 fits the description.

Another argument against this disingenuous, construction is drawn from that clause which regulates representation, which is conclusive from the words themselves: “Representatives and direct taxes shall be apportioned among the several states which may be included within this Union, according to their respective numbers.” Each state will know, from its population, its proportion of any general tax.

The speaker quotes the clause which regulates representation: "Representatives and direct taxes shall be apportioned among the several states" and the words that follow.

It only says that the proportion shall not exceed one for every thirty thousand.

The speaker refers to "the article which fixes the number of representatives" and says it "only says that the proportion shall not exceed one for every thirty thousand"; the words are not in quotation marks.

Representatives and direct taxes shall be apportioned among the several states which may be included within this Union, according to their respective numbers, which shall be determined by adding to the whole number of free persons, including those bound to service for a term of years, and excluding Indians not taxed three fifths of all other persons. The actual enumeration shall be made within three years after the first meeting of the Congress of the United States, and within every subsequent term of ten years, in such manner as they shall by law direct. The number of representatives shall not exceed one for every thirty thousand, but each state shall have at least one representative; and until such enumeration shall be made, the state of New Hampshire shall be entitled to choose three, Massachusetts eight, Rhode Island and Providence Plantations one, Connecticut five, New York six, New Jersey four, Pennsylvania eight, Delaware one, Maryland six, Virginia ten, North Carolina five, South Carolina five, and Georgia three. When vacancies happen in the representation from any state, the executive authority thereof shall issue writs of election to fill such vacancies.

The record has the clerk reading the preamble and the first two sections of the first article, and this paragraph gives the words of Article I, Section 2, third clause.

…present it only consists of sixty-five; but let us consider that it is only to continue at that number till the actual enumeration shall be made, which is to be within three years after the first meeting of Congress; and that the number of representatives will be ascertained, and the proportion of taxes fixed, within every subsequent term of ten years.

The speaker describes the enumeration "within three years after the first meeting of Congress" and "within every subsequent term of ten years", wording of Article I, Section 2, third clause.

The utmost that we can expect (and perhaps that is too much) is, that the present number shall be continued to us;—“the number of representatives shall not exceed one for every thirty thousand.” Now, will not this be complied with, although the present number should never be increased—nay, although it should be decreased?

The speaker quotes the words that the number of representatives shall not exceed one for every thirty thousand.

I cannot imagine a more judicious principle than is here fixed by the Constitution—the number shall not exceed one for every thirty thousand.

The speaker says the Constitution fixes that the number "shall not exceed one for every thirty thousand"; the words are not in quotation marks.

“The number shall not exceed one for every thirty thousand.” This may be satisfied by one representative from each state.

The speaker quotes "shall not exceed one for every thirty thousand" from the clause he calls "the clause under consideration".

But the Constitution says that representation and taxation shall be in proportion to the number of the people, and that each state shall have at least one representative.

The speaker says "the Constitution says" that each state shall have at least one representative; these words are not in quotation marks, and the words before them differ from the clause.

Here also they are indulged; for the number of representatives is determined by the number of people: this idea is so well attended to, that even three fifths of those who are not free are included among those of whom thirty thousand shall have a right to elect one representative; so that, in either point of view, their wish is gratified.

The speaker says "even three fifths of those who are not free are included among those of whom thirty thousand shall have a right to elect one representative".

Article 1. Section 2. Paragraph 3. Strike out all between the words " direct”?

The committee's report names "Article 1. Section 2. Paragraph 3." and marks the words to be struck out between "direct" and "and until such."

I think, with respect to futurity, it makes Little or no difference; and as it regards the present time, thirty thousand is the most proper, because it is the number agreed upon in the original constitution, and what is required by several States.

The paragraph refers to thirty thousand as "the number agreed upon in the original constitution"; only the clause fixing the number of Representatives at one for every thirty thousand gives that number.

When, after some desultory conversation, i( was agreed to, as follows: ** After the first enumeration, required by the first article of the constitution, there shall be one representative for every thirty thousand, until the number shall amount to-one hundred.

The proposition refers to "the first enumeration, required by the first article of the constitution"; the enumeration is required by this clause of Article I.

That in article Ist, section 2, clause 3, these words be struck out, to wit: ‘The number of Representatives shall not exceed one for every thirty thousand, but each State shall have at least one Representative, and until such enumeration shall be made;" ami that in place thereof be inserted these words, to wit: ** After the first actual enumeration, there shall be one Representative for every thirty thousand, until the number…

The proposal names "article Ist, section 2, clause 3" and quotes the words of that clause it would strike out.

In the next place, 1 wish to see that part of the constitution revised which declares that the number of Representatives shall not exceed the proportion of one for every thirty thousand persons, and allows one Representative to every State which rates below that proportion.

The paragraph names the part of the constitution "which declares that the number of Representatives shall not exceed" one for every thirty thousand, using the clause's words.

He was willing to consider that part of the Constitution which related to the apportionment of representatives, and to determine whether the representatives should be in proportion to the whites, or in proportion to the whites compounded witn slaves.

The speaker names "that part of the Constitution which related to the apportionment of representatives," including the counting of slaves; only Article I, Section 2, clause 3 fits ("witn" is an OCR error).

He must know that each Stale is entitled by it to at least one Representative on this floor, and that by an increase of the rai io of representation, the number of Representatives might be reduced to that of the States, and the influence of the largest…

Speaking of the Constitution, the speaker says "each State is entitled by it to at least one Representative on this floor," which is Article I, Section 2, clause 3.

…equal representation in the House of Representatives; and that those States which possessed B vast number of slaves should be represented in Congress " according to their respective numbers, ' which shall be determined by add log to the whole ' number of free persons including those bound to 'service for a term of years, and excluding Indians ' not taxed, three-fifths of all other persons." The numberof Electors President and Vice President is increased in the same proportion.

The paragraph quotes the rule of representation: "according to their respective numbers, which shall be determined by adding to the whole number of free persons ... three-fifths of all other persons," from Article I, Section 2, clause 3.

…this floor lo one from each State, and in such event of completely controlling the power of the large States in every department of the Government, for the CoIt5tin^■ "The number of Representatives shall not exceed one for every thirty thousand, but each State shall have at least one Representative."

The paragraph quotes the Constitution: "The number of Representatives shall not exceed one for every thirty thousand, but each State shall have at least one Representative."

In apportioning the representation of the several States, the words of the Constitution are,— "The State of New Hampshire shall be entitled to three Representatives." Suppose the people of the Stale of New Hampshire had declined to choose their Representatives, has this House the power to compel that State to exercise this r^hl 1…

The paragraph quotes "the words of the Constitution" on apportioning representation: "The State of New Hampshire shall be entitled to three Representatives" (the clause reads "entitled to chuse three").

In the first place, a certain class of people, who unfortunately existed in one portion of the Union, though not allowed any immediate interest them.selves in the Government, and regarded rather as property than as beings entitled to any civil or political rights, were included at a certain ratio in the calculation of the number of Representatives who were to have a seat in this House.

Describing the Constitution, the speaker names the counting of "a certain class of people ... regarded rather as property" at "a certain ratio" in the number of Representatives; only Article I, Section 2, clause 3 fits.

Speaker, that the Constitution is perfect w all its provisions; there is a particular part of it, in article first, section second, and third paragraph, that fixes the rule of representation, which I wish to see altered in due time.

The speaker names the part of the Constitution "in article first, section second, and third paragraph, that fixes the rule of representation," which is Article I, Section 2, clause 3.

Upon no other principle is it possible to account for ihnl article of the Constitution which provides for the representation of slaves.

The speaker names "that article of the Constitution which provides for the representation of slaves"; only Article I, Section 2, clause 3 fits.

What equivalents were eiveat If so, he would thank him to state to the House what mighty bcoo was accorded to the eastern section of the nation in return for that remarkable provision of the Constitution, which permits slaves to become a basis of representation ID that House, and which indeed renders them no jneflEcient agents even in the choice of the Chief Magistrate himself.

The speaker names "that remarkable provision of the Constitution, which permits slaves to become a basis of representation in that House"; only Article I, Section 2, clause 3 fits.

…were no slaves, and now had the honor of representing a State where slavery is allowed of, he had not changed his opinion, nor held two opinions on the subject; he always considered the article of the Constitution alluded to as containing the compromise on that subject within itself, and that the sacrifice was on the part of the people where slavery is admi^i- Me.

The speaker names "the article of the Constitution alluded to," the representation of slaves raised by other speakers; only Article I, Section 2, clause 3 fits.

No future amendment of the Constitution shall afreet the five preceding ai tides, nor the third pat i- graphoi the second section of the first tarticle of the Constitution, nor the third paragraph of the second section of the fourth article of said Constitution, and no amendment shall be made to the Constitution which will authorize or give…

The paragraph reads an article of the Crittenden compromise, which names "the third paragraph of the second section of the first article of the Constitution" (misread by OCR); the link is from the quoting paragraph.

It provided that in the basis of representation and direct taxation in the Federal Government five slaves should count as three free persons.

The paragraph says the Federal Constitution provided that in the basis of representation and direct taxation five slaves should count as three free persons, naming the apportionment clause of Article I, Section 2.

By the Constitution as it is five slaves count as three free persons only in the apportionment of Federal Representatives and direct taxes.

The paragraph says that "by the Constitution as it is" five slaves count as three free persons in the apportionment of Representatives and direct taxes, naming the apportionment clause of Article I, Section 2.

Three fourths of the States may abolish the three fifths rule of representation, or the provision for the rendition of fugitive slaves, or the rule for imposing direct taxes.

The paragraph names "the three fifths rule of representation" among provisions that may be amended; only Article I, Section 2, Clause 3 fits.

I will not allude to the express provisions of the Constitution in which we have a direct recognition of the right to service in slaves as property in fixing the basis of taxation and representation, and in other respects.

The paragraph names "the express provisions of the Constitution" recognizing the right to service in slaves "in fixing the basis of taxation and representation", which is the apportionment clause of Article I, Section 2.

It provides for the apportionment of representation among the States, and that States shall elect members of Congress, and that the State Legislatures shall elect Senators, and that each State acting independently, freely, voluntarily, by its own volition, shall…

The paragraph says the Constitution "provides for the apportionment of representation among the States", which is Article I, Section 2, Clause 3.

<c No future amendment of the Constitution shall affect the five preceding articles; nor the third paragraph of tho second section of the first article of the Constitution; nor the third paragraph of the second section ot the fourth article of said Constitution; and no amendment shall he mndo to the Constitution which shall authorize or give…

The paragraph reads an article proposed in 1861, which names "the third paragraph of the second section of the first article of the Constitution"; the link is from the quoting paragraph.

Thus they strove to make the lines of slavery irrevocable by amendment; to forever preserve the three fifths representation of slaves and the provision for the return of fugitive slaves.

The paragraph names "the three fifths representation of slaves", which is set by Article I, Section 2, Clause 3.

In providing for their surrender it uses the words" persons held to service or labor;" in depriving the South of full representation for slaves, it requires an enumeration of free persons, &c., and three fourths of all others.

The paragraph names the provision "depriving the South of full representation for slaves" that "requires an enumeration of free persons"; the clause is Article I, Section 2, Clause 3 (the paragraph has "three fourths" where the clause has "three fifths").

The actual enumeration shall he made within three years alter the first meeting of the Congress of the United States, and within every subsequent icim of ten years, in such a manner as they shall by law direct." —Article I, section '2.

The paragraph quotes Article I, Section 2, Clause 3, labelled "Article I, section 2", from "Representatives and direct taxes" to "as they shall by law direct" (much of it misread by OCR).

In other words, it is declared that slaves shall constitute a part of the population which is to be represented in Congress.

The paragraph says "that portion of the Constitution" declares that slaves shall be part of the population represented in Congress and that taxation and representation shall follow a certain number of them, naming the apportionment clause of Article I, Section 2.

1 f it was competent to declare that three fifths of the slaves should be represented in this House, it was equally competent to declare that none of them should be or that they all should be.

The paragraph names the declaration in the original compact "that three fifths of the slaves should be represented in this House", which is Article I, Section 2, Clause 3.

Among those propositions was one to" amend the Constitution of the United States in respect to apportionmentof Representatives; and direct, taxes among the several States of the Union, in such manner that 'people of color' shall not be counted with the population making up the ratio, except it be in States where they are permitted to exercise…

The speaker's proposition was to amend the Constitution "in respect to apportionmentof Representatives; and direct, taxes among the several States", echoing the words of Article I, Section 2, Clause 3.

Before the Constitution was amended, they counted the entire free population and three fifths of the slaves; but there being now no slaves they would count all.

The paragraph describes the Constitution's rule of apportionment counting "the entire free population and three fifths of the slaves", which is Article I, Section 2, Clause 3.

The Constitution now provides for the apportionment of Representatives according to the "whole number of free persons" and "three fifths of all other persons." Consequently, before emancipation, three fifths of the slaves were enumerated, which gave to the slave States nineteen Representatives in Congress, and as many electors of President, based upon a constituency…

The paragraph quotes the apportionment clause, "whole number of free persons" and "three fifths of all other persons", which are words of Article I, Section 2, Clause 3.

…shall see proper to impose on you although the Constitution expressly declares that "no State without its consent shall be deprived of its equal suffrage in the Senate," and that each State shall have at least one Representative in the House.

The paragraph gives, as a second thing the Constitution "expressly declares", the words of Article I, Section 2, Clause 3 that each State shall have at least one Representative.

The Constitution of the United States apportioned Representatives and direct taxes among the several States according to their respective numbers, and ordained that those numbers should be determined by adding to the whole number of free persons, including those held to service for a term of years and Indians not taxed, three fifths of all other persons.

The paragraph restates the first sentence of Article I, Section 2, Clause 3 as what "the Constitution of the United States" ordained, reproducing "determined by adding to the whole number of free persons, including those" and "three fifths of all other persons" word for word.

…any man say that it was within the intention of the framers of that instrument that the late slaves in this country should, by an unforeseen state of public affairs, under a provision which enacted that thej should count in the basis of representation as three fifths, come to count as five fifths, while at home they are counted politically as nothing?

The paragraph names the provision of the Constitution counting slaves "as three fifths" in the basis of representation, the three-fifths rule of Article I, Section 2, Clause 3.

Representatives in this House are apportioned by the Constitution among the several States.

The paragraph names the apportionment of Representatives "by the Constitution among the several States," echoing the words of Article I, Section 2, Clause 3.

In the Constitution of the United States of 17th of September, 1787, in section two, under article one, it is provided that—

The paragraph cites "section two, under article one" of the Constitution and introduces the apportionment clause, which the next paragraph quotes.

"Representatives and direct taxes shall be apportioned among the several States which may he included within this Union according to their respective numbers, which shall bo determined by adding to the whole number of free persons, including those bound to service for a term of years, and excluding Indians not taxed, three fifths of all other persons." The word "slave" was not very palatable to the venerable gentlemen who framed that Constitution, and therefore they used the words "all others," which, of course, meant slaves.

The paragraph quotes, in quotation marks, the apportionment clause of Article I, Section 2, which the previous paragraph cites by number (the scan reads "may he included" and "shall bo determined").

The House of Representatives was not merely given the power to originate all bills raising revenue, but it was provided by the very clause of the Constitution that fixed the basis of representation that Representatives and direct taxes should be apportioned among the States according to population .

The speaker names "the very clause of the Constitution that fixed the basis of representation" and its words that "Representatives and direct taxes" be apportioned, which is Article I, Section 2, Clause 3.

…have the power to lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts, and excises, but an: duties, imposts, and excises shall be uniform throughout the United States;" and it further provides that "Representatives and direct taxes shall be apportioned among the several States according to the respective numbers," and that "no capitation or other direct tax shall be laid unle s in proportion to the population of the States." The constitutional power of Congress to tax the people…

The paragraph quotes Article I, Section 2, Clause 3: "Representatives and direct taxes shall be apportioned among the several States according to the respective numbers".

In the Southern States the blacksare considered as property, and the States in which they live are thereby entitled to eighteen additional Electors and Representatives. A number equal to all the Electors and Representatives that four States and a half are entitled to elect. Will you, by this amendment lessen the weight and influence of the Eastern States in the election of your first officers, and still retain this unequal article in your Constitution '7 Shall property in one part of the Union give an increase of Electors, and be wholly excluded in other States 1 Can this be right 1 Will it strengthen…

The speaker names "this unequal article in your Constitution" by which States holding slaves are entitled to additional Representatives and Electors; only Article I, Section 2, clause 3 fits.

An additional representation, equal to three-fifths of a certain description of population, was considered as the best criterion which at the time of forming the Constitution could be adopted ; but it is far, very far, from being a just and true one now.

The speaker names the apportionment of representation adopted in forming the Constitution, with an additional representation "equal to three-fifths of a certain description of population"; only Article I, Section 2, clause 3 fits.

It was a basis of representation m the other House; it is a basis of taxation m a certain contingency; and a fugitive escaping fi om one State to another shall be returned without respect to the law of the State into which he escapes.

The paragraph says that under the Federal compact slavery "was a basis of representation" in the House and "a basis of taxation"; only the apportionment clause of Article I, Section 2 fits.

Their doing so would not lessen their political power here Representation is not based on the voting population, not on political strength, but on the strength of the society," on their respective numbers, which shall be determined by adding to the whole number of free persons, including those bound to service for a term of years, and excluding Indians not taxed, three fifths of all other persons." What matters it to us if the voting strength bo great or small?

The paragraph quotes, in quotation marks, the rule of representation of Article I, Section 2, Clause 3, from "their respective numbers" to "three fifths of all other persons".

she is there—there in vigor and strength—and in the very first article of that instrument she provides for her representation in Congress, where her voice and her votes have been of signal potency.

The paragraph says slavery "in the very first article of that instrument ... provides for her representation in Congress"; only the apportionment clause of Article I, Section 2 fits.

…in any view, is this a sufficient reason why we should not only deny to the southern States the increased representation caused by the freedom of the slaves, but also take from them the three fifths representation which they have always enjoyed under the Constitution?

The paragraph names the three fifths representation of the southern States under the Constitution, which is set by Article I, Section 2, Clause 3.

This amendment leaves the general basis of representation, as fixed by the Constitution originally, upon numbers or population.

The paragraph names the basis of representation fixed by the original Constitution upon numbers, which is set by Article I, Section 2, Clause 3.

By the existing Constitution the Statesholdingslaves, in addition to their other population, were entitled to have three fifths of their slaves counted in ascertaining their share of representation.

The paragraph names the provision of the existing Constitution counting three fifths of the slaves for representation, which is Article I, Section 2, Clause 3.

The Constitution of the United States, as it now is, in the second section of the first article provides for the manner in which the apportionment is to be made of Representatives in Congress.

The paragraph names "the second section of the first article" as the provision for the apportionment of Representatives, which is the third clause of that section.

The Constitution provides that a census shall be taken at periods of every ten years.

The paragraph names the provision of the Constitution for a census every ten years, and later "the provision directing an enumeration of the inhabitants", which is the enumeration clause of Article I, Section 2.

The Constitution, as it now stands, apportions Representatives and direct taxes among t he States according to the number of their inhabitants; but this number is to be ascertained by taking the whole number of free persons, male and female, including apprentices, and adding thereto three fifths of the slaves and…

The paragraph describes the apportionment clause of the Constitution "as it now stands": Representatives and direct taxes, free persons, three fifths of the slaves, Indians not taxed, and the census every ten years.

Formerly under the Constitution, while the free States were represented only according to their respective numbers of men, women, and children, all of course endowed with civil rights, the slave States had the advantage of being represented according to their number of the same free classes, increased by three fifths of the slaves whom they treated not as men but property.

The paragraph says that "formerly under the Constitution" the slave States were represented according to their numbers "increased by three fifths of the slaves," naming the three-fifths rule of the apportionment clause.

The three fifths principle has ceased in the destruction of slavery and in the enfranchisement of the colored race.

The paragraph names "the three fifths principle" and "the present basis of representation, as established in the Constitution," which only the apportionment clause of Article I, Section 2 fits.

Our fathers certainly did not act in this way, for in the Constitution as they adopted it they excluded the Indians who are not taxed; did not enumerate them, indeed, as a part of the population upon which they based representation and taxation; much less did they make them citizens of the United States.

The paragraph names the provision of the Constitution as adopted that excluded "Indians who are not taxed" from the population on which representation and taxation were based, which is Article I, Section 2, Clause 3.

We have lived under it for seventy years; and these words, Indians not taxed," are the very words which were used by our fathers in forming the Constitution as descriptive of a certain class of Indians which should not be enumerated as a part of our population, as distinguished from another class which should be enumerated as a…

The paragraph quotes the words "Indians not taxed" and says they are the words used in the Constitution to describe Indians not to be enumerated as part of the population, which is Article I, Section 2, Clause 3.

…doubt, for the purpose of excluding this class of persons, as they are, in my judgment, utterly unfit to be citizens of the United States, I have proposed this amendment, which I borrow from the Constitution as it stands, which our fathers adopted more than seventy years ago, which I find also in the civil rights bill which passed this present Congress, and which I find also in the second section of this constitutional amendment when applied…

The speaker says the words of his amendment ("excluding Indians not taxed") are borrowed from the Constitution as it stands; those words are in Article I, Section 2, Clause 3.

…hundred and fourteen thousand American freemen to give him one vote in the electoral colleges, when twelve thousand could give Breckinridge one vote; and if you made all allowance for the counting of the three fifths of slaves in the South, it would not have- disturbed the ratio more than a few thousands.

The paragraph names "the counting of the three fifths of slaves" in apportionment; only Article I, Section 2, Clause 3 fits.

The great fact that appears in them arises largely from the existence of slavery in the States; that three fifths of a class of people, numerous, outnumbering the white population in some cases, are represented by a select and chosen and diminished class of voters; and, therefore, figures which are based upon such facts are altogether delusive in undertaking to show that minorities of the…

The paragraph refers to the representation of "three fifths of a class of people" held as slaves; only Article I, Section 2, Clause 3 fits.

It was here we got the principle of our three fifths representation which was' introduced as the basis of slave representation when the Federal Constitution was formed.

The paragraph names the "three fifths representation" introduced "when the Federal Constitution was formed"; only Article I, Section 2, Clause 3 fits.

It meant that they were to be held, each one, as but three fifths of a man for the purposes of representation. And that was the first inequality admitted into that immortal instrument which had on its title page those glorious words, radiant with light and promise to the lowly and oppressed:

The paragraph refers to the provision of the Constitution under which persons were counted as "three fifths" "for the purposes of representation"; only Article I, Section 2, Clause 3 fits.

…that I shall vote against this proposed amendment, but I shall offer to amend the constitutional amendment by striking out the words "or other direct" in one place, and by striking out the words " and direct taxes " in another.

The speaker proposes to strike "the words \"and direct taxes\"" out of the Constitution; the words are those of Article I, Section 2, Clause 3, which the paragraph does not name.

The mischief in reference to an income tax in every discussion of it before the court has grown out of six words, three of them in cJause 3 of section 2 of Article I of the Constitution, and three of them in clause 2 of section 9 of Article I of the Constitution.

The speaker names "clause 3 of section 2 of Article I of the Constitution" as the place of three of the words he objects to. The other place he names here, "clause 2 of section 9", is left unlinked.

Representatives and direct taxes shall be apportioned among th~ several S t ates-

The paragraph quotes the opening words of Article I, Section 2, Clause 3, which the speaker has just named by number.

Amend the joint resolution by striking out all after line 7 and in s erting the following, to wit: " The words ' and direct taxes,' in clause 3, section 2, Article I, and the words ' or other direct,' in clause 4, section 9, Article I, of the Constitution of the United States are hereby stricken out."

The amendment offered quotes the words "and direct taxes" and names "clause 3, section 2, Article I" of the Constitution.

The words " and direct ta.xes," in clause 3, section 2, Article I, and the · words " or other direct." in clause 4, section 9, Article I of the Constitution of the United States are hereby stricken out.

The amendment quotes the words "and direct taxes" (OCR "ta.xes") and names "clause 3, section 2, Article I" of the Constitution.

Clause 3, section 2, Article I of the Constitution would read in this way:

The speaker names "Clause 3, section 2, Article I of the Constitution" before reading how it would read if amended.

Representatives shall be apportioned among the several States which may be included- '

The paragraph gives the opening of Article I, Section 2, Clause 3 as it would read with the words "and direct taxes" struck out; the words given appear in the clause.

After the first enumeration required by the first article of the Constitution there shall be one Representative for every 30,000 until · tbt> number shall amount to 100, after which the proportion shall be so regulated by Congress that there shall be…

The first amendment proposed in 1789, read by the speaker, names "the first enumeration required by the first article of the Constitution", the enumeration of Article I, Section 2, Clause 3.

After the first enumeration required by the first article of the Constitution, there shall be one Representative for every 30,000 until the number shall amount to 100 ; after which the proportion shall be so regulated by Congress that there shall…

The first amendment proposed in 1789, in the list read by the speaker, names "the first enumeration required by the first article of the Constitution", the enumeration of Article I, Section 2, Clause 3.

The Constitution provides that each State shall be entitled to representation in proportion to its population, to be determined by Congress, except that each State shall have at least one Representative in the House of Representatives.

The paragraph names the provision of the Constitution apportioning Representatives among the States by population with at least one for each State, which is Article I, Section 2, Clause 3.

But the Constitution provides that each State shall be entitled to so many Representatives.

The paragraph names the provision of the Constitution entitling each State to a number of Representatives, which is Article I, Section 2, Clause 3.